How can cities integrate informal economic activity with urban planning to improve living standards while promoting growth? How can we blend private sector initiatives with public services and infrastructure to engender smart, sustainable approaches that tap the productive power of poor and marginalized communities? And how can such efforts be woven into the fabric of institutions, policymaking, and governance? In cities around the world, social sector innovators are looking to public-private partnership projects to provide an answer. Read on to learn about proposals and initiatives in Mumbai, Jakarta, Nairobi, Rio de Janeiro, Mexico City, and Dhaka, and then join the conversation below. (This conversation is hosted in partnership with OECD on the occasion of the OECD Workshop on Inclusive Growth. Follow #inclusivegrowth on Twitter.)
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Carlin Carr, Mumbai Community Manager
As the city sleeps, a small army of “green soldiers” hits Mumbai’s streets. Wading through mounds of garbage outside apartment complexes, corporate parks, and retail outlets, the city’s rag pickers — often among the poorest residents — separate out recyclable materials that would otherwise unnecessarily add to the over-burdened city landfills. The rag pickers recycle waste to sell to scrap dealers, carrying out one of the simple and doable practices in dealing with the city’s alarming 9,200 metric tonnes of waste generated every day.
Yet Mumbai’s municipal corporation has made little effort to incorporate the rag pickers into the city’s system. “There is a great need for official support to this unappreciated activity that saves at least 10-15 percent in transportation costs daily to the city, adding up to millions of rupees a year,” says Almitra H. Patel, Member, Supreme Court Committee for solid waste management.
Fifteen percent of Mumbai’s garbage never gets collected, and only about 10-15 percent of the waste collected gets separated at source. This standard international practice of separating wet and dry waste before it heads to the dumping grounds would not only help rag pickers — who lose money on recyclable waste that has been dirtied and mixed — but would also help the city. Separating at source “could have helped the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) handle the city’s refuse more efficiently — drastically reducing the amount that needs to be dumped at landfills, and promoting micro-management of waste at societies, schools and hospitals,” says the first in a series of articles the Hindustan Times has recently dedicated to investigating waste management in the city.
Patel points out that other cities in India have managed to successfully incorporate rag pickers into the municipal system. In Ahmedabad, SEWA’s rag picker cooperative, which celebrated 25 years in 2011, has organized weekly doorstep collections of dry waste and even has a hotline to ensure punctual collection. The collectors wear uniforms and members are trained to use office equipment as well. “The no-fee initiative provides waste-pickers with higher earnings due the higher-value clean and unmixed waste,” says Patel. In Pune, a strong rag pickers union eventually partnered with the city to formalize their work. The workers go door-to-door collecting both dry and wet waste for a fee. The waste collectors have also been issued uniforms and safety wear, which, says Patel, is part of incorporating rag pickers into the city system.
She also suggests these other steps:
- Start a dialogue to learn the needs of this sector.
- Issue ID badges to street waste pickers (through NGOs or police, to prevent harassment).
- Provide rag pickers with sorting and storage space in a low area, such as below a flyover.
- Organize a doorstep pick-up service for post-sorting rejects to be taken away from slum houses or waste-buyer’s yards, so that these do not end up clogging the storm-drains.
Separating at source is a waste management practice that the entire city should be taking part in. On a municipal level, Mumbai could follow in Bangalore’s footsteps: the city has recently made the practice official policy. Citizens, too, would be motivated by daily collections of separated materials by professional-looking municipal waste collectors. Models are out there for Mumbai to follow; the city corporation needs to be proactive about drafting and implementing a comprehensive waste management plan that recognizes the activities already happening on the ground and working with their existing “green soldiers” to make the city greener and cleaner.
Photos: Martina Spies
Yuyun Harmono, Jakarta Community Manager
Water supply has been private in Jakarta since 1997, and yet 71.59 percent of households in Jakarta do not have access to clean water. The Citizen’s Coalition Against Water Privatisation in Jakarta has therefore filed a citizen lawsuit against the government and the private water companies protesting both the lack of clean water and the high rates charged. The coalition is pushing for remunicipalisation of water services, which would restore water management into public hands and hopefully allow for greater citizen participation.
Gubernur terpilih, Joko Widodo punya banyak pekerjaan rumah. Selain soal macet dan transportasi publik yang layak, persoalan air bersih di Jakarta merupakan salah satu persoalan yang mendesak untuk diselesaikan.
Persentase rumah tangga yang mengakses air minum layak terutama di perkotaan mengalami tren yang terus menurun. Menurut data Biro Pusat Statistik 2011 pada tahun 1993 sekitar 50 persen penduduk di perkotaan memiliki akses terhadap air minum layak, pada triwulan 2011 persentasenya menjadi 40 persen. Hal ini tentu menjadi perhatian kita bersama apalagi di kota besar seperti Jakarta.
Di Jakarta, persentase rumah tangga yang menggunakan air minum layak berdasarkan hasil Susenas BPS tahun 2009-2010 mencapai 34,81 persen (2009) menurun menjadi 28,41 persen (2010). Artinya, pada tahun 2010 masih ada 71,59 persen rumah tangga di Jakarta belum dapat mengakses air bersih.
Privatisasi air Jakarta terjadi sejak 16 tahun yang lalu, tepatnya pada tahun 1997, PAM Jaya menandatangani perjanjian kerjasama dengan dua mitra swasta yaitu Suez Environnement dari Prancis dan Thames Water dari Inggris. Palyja menangani bagian barat Jakarta, sedangkan Thames PAM Jaya yang berubah nama menjadi PT Aetra Air Jakarta di bagian timur.
Berdasarkan data Badan Regulator Pelayanan Air Minum DKI Jakarta terdapat peningkatan rasio cakupan pelayanan setelah pihak swasta dilibatkan dalam pengelolaan air bersih di Jakarta. Pada tahun 1998, rasio cakupan pelayanan di barat Sungai Ciliwung hanya 33,8 persen dari jumlah penduduk di wilayah itu. Pada tahun 2009 rasio cakupan pelayanan naik menjadi 63,9 persen.
Di sisi timur Sungai Ciliwung, pada tahun 1998 rasio cakupan pelayanan hanya 52 persen. Pada tahun 2009, rasio cakupan pelayanan mencapai 59,67 persen. Meski demikian, peningkatan cakupan pelayanan tidak sesuai dengan target yang harusnya dicapai oleh kedua mitra swasta tersebut. Dalam konsesi awal target yang harus dicapai adalah 75 persen pada tahun 2008, target dilonggarkan setelah negosiasi menjadi hanya 68 persen. Meski sudah dilonggarkan, target tersebut tak juga mampu dipenuhi.
Tarif yang terlalu tinggi juga menjadi persoalan. Pelanggan membayar tarif antara Rp 1.050 hingga Rp 14.650 per meter kubik. Tingginya tarif mempersulit warga miskin Jakarta untuk mendapat layanan air bersih. Tarif ini ditengarai tertinggi di asia tenggara.
Kontrak Kerjasama juga mengharuskan PAM Jaya harus membayar utang imbalan air kepada kedua mitra swasta tersebut. Hingga November 2011, nilai utang itu mencapai Rp 619,97 miliar. Pada tahun 2023, PAM Jaya memproyeksikan utang tersebut dapat mencapai Rp 18,2 triliun.
Koalisi Masyarakat Menolak Swastanisasi Air Jakarta (KMMSAJ) menyatakan bahwa privatisasi air Jakarta semakin menjauhkan hak masyarakat untuk mendapatkan air bersih. Tingginya harga air bersih per unit disebabkan oleh inefisiensi proses provision, produksi, dan delivery air bersih. Celakanya biaya inefisiensi ini dibebankan kepada konsumen.
KMMSAJ melayangkan gugatan warga negara atas praktek privatisasi air yang terjadi di Jakarta, setelah sebelumnya mereka mendesak untuk mengakhiri kontrak kerjasama dengan pihak swasta. Selain menimbulkan kerugian kepada masyarakat, kerjasama ini juga menimbulkan kerugian kepada Pemerintah Pusat, Pemerintah Daerah Khusus Ibukota Jakarta, dan PDAM sendiri.
Muhammad Reza salah satu pegiat KMMSAJ yang juga aktif di Koalisi Rakyat untuk Hak Atas Air berpandangan bahwa negara seharusnya menguasai pengelolaan air, ia mengatakan tuntutan ini sesuai dengan konstitusi dan kecenderungan internasional untuk mengembalikan pengelolaan air kepada negara disertai partisipasi yang lebih besar dari warga kota. Konsep ini dikenal sebagai remunisipalisasi; mengembalikan pengelolaan air ke tangan publik.
Katy Fentress, Nairobi Community Manager
In a country in which government planning is glaringly absent from its sprawling shantytowns, it takes external actors to tackle some of the infrastructure needs of these underserved locations.
Private companies on their own do not generally enter into a slum-upgrading program unless given a concrete incentive to do so. That said, private investment in slums is not uncommon: it is a recognised fact that the small-scale purchasing power of individual slum dwellers really adds up when it is multiplied by the hundreds of thousands of souls that can inhabit an informal settlement.
Enter Esther Passaris, part Greek, part Kenyan, brought up in the coastal city of Mombasa, who has spent the better part of a decade harnessing the power of Kenya’s businesses to create projects with a positive social impact. Until her recent attempt to gain a seat as women’s representative for Nairobi during the past Kenyan elections, Passaris was best known for spearheading the Adopt-a-light business model in Kenya.
Adopt-a-light is an initiative that became active in the slums in 2005. The stated aim of the project was to:
“Improve the quality of people’s lives by ensuring that public spaces — slums, streets, parks, neighbourhoods — remain well lit after sunset through an effective partnership between the private and public sectors to finance and facilitate the installation of lights and in so doing, to improve security, safety and aesthetics of public areas, enabling populations to more fully enjoy their lives and participate in economic and recreational activity while at the same time providing financial sponsors with quality advertising services.” (Source: UN Habitat Business Award Report on Best Practice)
For the project to succeed, Passaris brought together powerful partners from the Kenyan private sector in collaboration with the Nairobi City Council and the Kenyan Parliament through the Constituency Development Fund (CDF).
The path to success for Adopt-a-light was however initially a rocky one, as in the early stages, Passaris found herself up against reluctance on the part of the Nairobi City Council (NCC) to fully back the implementation of her project.
There was also a problem related to access in the densely populated slums. This was overcome by involving community administrators and leaders in the planning process, who helped to identify ideal locations and also to coordinate the compensation of families that would have to be relocated as a result of the project.
Despite these hurdles, by 2009 the program had installed 3,000 streetlights along 50 streets and had erected 33 high mast lights — considered the most viable option given the potential for vandalism — in several slums across Nairobi, serving over 150,000 households.
An independent review conducted by the Steadman Group (now known as Synovate Ipsos Kenya Limited) in 2006, found that Adopt-a-light had improved security in the slums, enabled business people to extend opening hours and hence improve sales, allowed residents to undertake certain tasks like cooking outside at night and generally improved social life for residents who were now able to host visitors for longer hours.
Passaris received a UN Habitat Business Award in 2009 for Adopt-a-light. Since then, news on the project has largely died out with no updates or sources of information that detail how it has evolved and expanded. The company’s website is currently down and the phone number provided does not work. Nevertheless, a cursory glance around slums like Mathare and Kibera, reveal that the 30 metre high Adopt-a-Light masts — instantly recognizable by there red and white stripes — are still on and functioning, proof that the project has withstood the test of time and that although it might not be expanding, still continues to be functional.
Catalina Gomez, Rio de Janeiro Community Manager
A renovação urbana do Porto Maravilha no Rio de Janeiro é um ambicioso projeto de requalificação da deteriorada zona portuária que abrange uma área de 5 milhões de metros quadrados. O projeto busca criar novas condições de moradia, trabalho, transporte e lazer para a população que ali vive principalmente aquela de baixa renda, mais tentando gerar um espaço de uso misto pioneiro na cidade.
Para fazer possível este projeto visionário de grande porte, a Prefeitura do Rio com apoio dos governos Estadual e Federal, vem avançando na legislação adequada e nos mecanismos para atrair o interesse de investidores privados e conseguir financiamento das obras de renovação urbana. Primero, a Prefeitura estabeleceu uma lei em 2009 criando uma área de interesse urbanístico e criando o mecanismo de operação do projeto. Também foi criada a Companhia de Desenvolvimento Urbano da Região do Porto do Rio de Janeiro (CDURP), para coordenar a execução do projeto. A empresa é de economia mista para facilitar sua gestão financeira e operativa. O controle da empresa é feito pela própria Prefeitura do Rio.
A Prefeitura também criou uma serie de incentivos financeiros para explorar o potencial construtivo, mais assegurando que os investimentos tenham retornos na área portuária. Por isso foram criados os Certificados de Potencial Adicional Construtivo (CEPACs), os quais deverão ser comprados pelos construtores privados. Assim todo o valor arrecadado com a venda dos CEPACs é obrigatoriamente investido na melhoria da infraestrutura urbana e em serviços na região. A norma estabelece que pelo menos 3 por cento dos recursos da venda dos CEPACs deverá ser investido no desenvolvimento social dos moradores e trabalhadores da zona. Os principais investimentos sociais incluem:
- criação de habitações de interesse social
- instalação de creches e escolas
- integração dos diversos modais de transporte público, facilitando a acessibilidade e a comunicação
- recuperação da qualidade ambiental da área
- criação de programas de desenvolvimento comunitário.
O projeto ainda não foi terminado, mais o ele já tem avanços importantes. Por exemplo, as principais obras da fase inicial incluindo a construção de novas redes de água, esgoto e drenagem nas avenidas Barão de Tefé e Venezuela e a urbanização do Morro da Conceição (uma das primeiras favelas cariocas), já foram terminadas recentemente. Também em julho de 2012 foram iniciados os trabalhos de uma segunda fase incluindo um projeto de urbanização com novos padrões de qualidade dos serviços urbanos com coleta seletiva de lixo e iluminação pública eficiente e econômica, além da reurbanização de 70 km de vias. Outra fase ainda em construção contempla a implantação de equipamentos de grande impacto cultural, como o Museu de Arte do Rio de Janeiro (Mar) e o Museu do Amanhã.
A participação privada no projeto está ainda em processo de consolidação. Tem sido de grande importância que a Prefeitura tenha desenvolvido um marco legal claro, um organismo executor misto e vários tipos de incentivos para a participação privada mais garantindo retornos importantes para os moradores do Porto Maravilha.
Photos: Projeto Porto Maravilha
Catalina Gomez, Rio de Janeiro Community Manager
The Porto Maravilha project in Rio de Janeiro is an ambitious urban renewal initiative taking place in the old port, one of the most deteriorated parts of the city, spanning 5 million square meters. The project aims at improving the living conditions of its poorest residents, especially with regard to housing, labor, transportation, and recreation, as well as generating a pioneering mixed-income space within the city.
To make this visionary project possible, Rio’s local government, with the support of the State and Federal Governments, has developed special legislation and mechanisms to attract private investing. First, the local government established a law creating and delimiting the area of interest, so it could have special operating conditions. It also created a mechanism to implement the project, including its leading agency, Rio de Janeiro’s Port Region Urban Development Company, which is made up of both public and private capital.
The local government has also created a series of financial incentives to involve the private sector, while making sure that investments have visible returns for the port area. The Added Value Construction Certificates, known as CEPACS, were created for this purpose. These certificates must be purchased by developers who want to invest in the area. The collected value from the CEPACs is therefore invested in the renewal of the port area. The law establishes that at least 3 percent of the resources from the CEPACs must be invested in the social well-being of residents and workers of the neighborhood. The main social investments include:
- The creation of new housing projects for low-income populations
- The construction of new schools and childcare facilities
- The construction of terminals and other transportation facilities
- The environmental conservation of the area
- The creation of community development programs
Although the project has not yet been fully implemented, it has already presented important results. For example, it has built new networks of water and sewerage in Avenues Barão de Tefé and Venezuela, and it has resulted the urbanization project of the Morro da Conceição, one of Rio’s first favelas, which is near the port area. In July 2012, an urbanization project with innovatory urban services was started, and now includes garbage collection, efficient public illumination, and more than 70 km of new roads. Other initiatives still under construction include the Rio de Janeiro Art Museum and the Museum of Tomorrow.
The limited amount of private participation in the project is still far from ideal. But the existing private investment is definitely due to the local government’s establishment of a clear legal framework of operation, an efficient mixed income executing agency, a series of incentives for private developers, and, more importantly, the fact that such incentives are reflected in social investments for the Porto Maravilha’s residents.
Photos: Projeto Porto Maravilha
María Fernanda Carvallo, Mexico City Community Manager
El proceso de urbanización conlleva la sinergia de diversos actores para hacer frente a la demanda de las ciudades en rumbo hacia el desarrollo. Por ejemplo, la inversión del sector privado para la planeación y mejoría del desarrollo urbano. En este sentido, la Ciudad de México es evidencia de la participación privada que mejoró el transporte público y la movilidad de los capitalinos. A partir del año 2000 en el D.F. se abrió la puerta a la inversión privada y poco a poco se fue consolidando esta estrategia para atraer el capital privado a favor de la ciudad. En el 2008, el Gobierno del Distrito Federal incorporó una nueva figura de inversión: los Proyectos de Prestación de Servicios a Largo Plazo (PPS).
De acuerdo a la Secretaría de Finanzas del DF, “la Administración Pública del Distrito Federal tiene como prioridad desarrollar la infraestructura estratégica a través de esquemas financieros eficientes y transparentes que no constituyan endeudamiento público y que no representen una carga excesiva al erario público; que el cumplimiento del interés público puede ser compatible con oportunidades de inversión para los sectores social y privado a través de esquemas de asociación con reglas claras que aprovechen la experiencia y los medios de financiamiento; […] así como para incrementar la eficiencia en el uso de los recursos de la Administración Pública del Distrito Federal”.
La Secretaría de Obras del Gobierno del Distrito Federal afirmó en el 2012 que los nuevos esquemas de inversión pública-privada (PPS) propiciaron un mayor avance en materia de infraestructura de los últimos 30 años, con un monto de 60 mil millones de pesos. El esquema de inversión permitió destinar recursos público-privados para consolidar el transporte público y la movilidad. Por ejemplo, se amplió la cobertura de la red del Metrobús, de 20 a 95 kilómetros y el carril se amplió de 40 a 134 kilómetros, mientras que se desarrollaron más de 70 estaciones y terminales. Similarmente, se construyó la Línea 12 del Metro, catalogada como la obra más grande de América Latina.
En materia de vialidad, se logró construir un corredor vial, 23 puentes vehiculares y distribuidores viales. Así mismo se construyó la Autopista Urbana que pretende revertir el tráfico en las vialidades aledañas en donde la velocidad promedio de los autos es de 14 km/h y el 60 por ciento de los traslados tardan más de 2 horas; al igual, en zonas en donde el crecimiento urbano se ha dado en forma de embudo, y los autos han aumentado a gran velocidad sin rutas de transporte público. Con esta infraestructura urbana de 5.4 km se pretende disminuir el tiempo de traslado, lo que conlleva a menor combustión y emisiones de gases y contaminantes de efecto invernadero en la ciudad. El proyecto se acompaña de la creación de un Fondo Ambiental Público para la reforestación y la conservación de barrancas y áreas naturales.
De acuerdo al Programa para el Impulso de Asociaciones Público Privadas en Estados Mexicanos (PIAPPEM) el desarrollo de este tipo de proyectos ayudan a las administraciones a transferir riesgos inherentes a los proyectos que pueden ser atendidos por el sector privado de manera más eficiente, mejorar la planificación de la inversión y disminuir la presión presupuestaria requerida para el desarrollo de proyectos de gran alcance.
María Fernanda Carvallo, Mexico City Community Manager
The urbanization process requires the combined effort of diverse stakeholders in order to take on demands from developing cities. The investment in the private sector for planning and the improvement of urban development is an example of this combined effort. Mexico City is a good example of how private participation improves public transportation and the mobility of citizens. Since 2000, Mexico City has opened its doors to private investment and has slowly attracted private capital to improve the city. Moreover, the Federal District’s Government incorporated in 2008 a new investment program, Proyectos de Prestación de Servicios a Largo Plazo—PPS (Long-Term Provision Service Projects).
According to the Secretaría de Finanzas del DF (the Federal District’s Ministry of Finance), “the Public Administration of the Federal District has as its priority the development of strategic infrastructure through efficient and transparent financial schemes that do not worsen public debt and that do not represent a burden to the economy; that the compliance with public interest may be compatible with investment opportunities for the private and social sectors through partnership schemes with clear rules that use financial experience and methods; […] and to increase resource efficiency of the Federal District Public Administration.”
Mexico City’s Ministry of Public Works stated in 2012 that private-public investment schemes (PPS) of 60 billion pesos ($4.7 billion dollars) have been instrumental in advancing infrastructure over the past 30 years. PPSs allows public-private resources to strengthen public transportation and mobility. For example, coverage of the Metrobús network was expanded from 20 to 95 kilometers, bus-only lanes were increased from 40 to 134 kilometers, and more than 70 stations and terminals were created. Further, the Línea 12 (Route 12) of the light rail system is considered to be Latin America’s largest infrastructure development.
In regards to roads and highways, a freeway, 23 overpasses, and freeway interchanges were built. The Autopista Urbana (Urban Freeway) was created to re-route traffic from overcrowded adjacent roads and the nearby unregulated roads that residents reverted to. With this added urban infrastructure of 5.4km (3.3 miles), commuters decrease their commute time,leading to lower combustion, pollution, and greenhouse emissions. The project is accompanied by the creation of a Public Environmental Fund to benefit reforestation and the conservation of ravines and natural areas.
According to the Programa para el Impulso de Asociaciones Público Privadas en Estados Mexicanos (the Program to Promote Public-Private Partnerships in Mexican States), development projects help administrations transfer inherent risks to projects that can be served more efficiently by the private sector, which improves investment planning and decreases budgetary pressure required for the development of long-range projects.
Anshu Adhikari and Nisha Karki, Dhaka Contributors
১৯৭১ সালে বাংলাদেশ স্বাধীন হওয়ার পর, বিভিন্ন বেসরকারি প্রতিষ্ঠান যেমন তৈরি পোশাক শিল্প এবং শিক্ষা প্রতিষ্ঠান দেশটির অবকাঠামো ও অর্থনীতি উন্নয়নের জন্য গুরুত্বপূর্ণ ভূমিকা পালন করেছে। আর এই ধারাবাহিকতায় বাংলাদেশ সরকার কর্তৃক অবকাঠামো ও সেবা প্রতিষ্ঠার জন্য ২০১০ সালের আগস্ট মাসে “পলিসি অ্যান্ড স্ট্রাটেজি ফর পাবলিক প্রাইভেট পার্টনারশিপ” (পিপিপি) প্রতিষ্ঠিত হয়। পিপিপি প্রোগ্রামের মূল লক্ষ্য ২০২১ সালের মধ্যে সরকারী সব প্রতিষ্ঠানের সেবার মান উন্নয়ন নিশ্চিত করা এবং জনগণের চাহিদার প্রতি সর্বোচ্চ গুরুত্ব দেওয়া। শিক্ষার মান উন্নয়ন এবং নিরক্ষরতার হার কমিয়ে আনার জন্য বাংলাদেশ পাবলিক- প্রাইভেট পার্টনারশিপ (পিপিপি) ইউনিট কাজ করে যাচ্ছে। নারীর ক্ষমতায়ন এবং লিঙ্গ বৈষম্য দূরীকরণের লক্ষে বাংলাদেশ সরকার ইতিমধ্যে বিশ্ব ব্যাংক এবং এশিয়ান উন্নয়ন ব্যাংকের সহায়তায় নারীদেরকে উপবৃত্তি প্রদান করছে। ১৯৯৮ সালে প্রায় ২.৬ মিলিয়ন নারী উপবৃত্তি পায় এবং প্রায় শতকরা ৭৫ ভাগ মেয়ে মাধ্যমিক বিদ্যালয়ে ভর্তির সুযোগ পায়। যদিও গ্রামের মেয়েরা এই সুবিধার আওতাভুক্ত, শহরের মেয়েরা এই সুবিধা পাচ্ছে না। ২০২১ সালের মধ্যে সরকারের লক্ষ্য পূরণের জন্য গ্রামের ও শহরের ছেলে-মেয়েদেরকে সমান শিক্ষার সুযোগ সরবরাহ করার জন্য উদ্যোগ নেয়া প্রয়োজন।
After the Bangladesh independence war in 1971, many private actors, such as garment factories and educational institutions, played a significant role in developing Bangladesh’s infrastructure and economy. In August 2010, the Policy and Strategy for Public Private Partnership (PPP) was issued by the Government of Bangladesh to assist the development of public infrastructure and services: “The PPP program is part of the Government’s Vision 2021 goal to ensure a more rapid, inclusive growth trajectory, and to better meet the need for enhanced, high-quality public services in a fiscally sustainable manner.” The PPP office was established under the Prime Minister’s office to assist with the development of public-private partnership projects within international standards. In order to promote financial responsibility and sustainability of these public-private partnerships, the PPP unit was established under the Ministry of Finance. Thanks to these policies, public-private partnerships have indeed been effective in reducing the illiteracy rate in Bangladesh.
Because of education’s role in reducing poverty, building social networks, creating job opportunities, and lowering gender inequality, the Government of Bangladesh has collaborated with private organizations to improve primary and secondary level education. Since the late 1990s, the government has initiated programs to provide grants to NGOs and PVOs (private voluntary organizations) to set up primary schools in under-served areas. The government also provides subsidies to most of the country’s private schools, including help with teacher salaries and text books for students. This policy has successfully increased the number of satellite schools, from only 200 in 1996 to 3,884 in 2000.
With the objectives of lowering gender disparity, and empowering women socially and economically through female education, the Government of Bangladesh initiated the Female Stipend program, in partnership with the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank. This female stipend program encourages poor girls to attend school by providing uniform stipends, book allowances, and tuition subsidies to girls who were otherwise likely to drop out due to financial constraints. The project also includes teacher trainings, recruitment of female teachers, curriculum reforms, school infrastructure development, and awareness programs.
The implementation of the Female Stipend program has increased girls’ school enrollment, especially at the secondary school level. In 1998, about 2.6 million girls benefited from this program, which was nearly 75 percent of all girls enrolled in secondary school. Although the Female Stipend program is effective and fairly widespread, it has been initiated only in certain schools and in certain areas, including largely rural settings. If the Female Stipend were expanded to include more girls, especially in urban areas, the female illiteracy rate in Bangladesh would likely decrease significantly.
One of the main issues with the Female Stipend program is that it fails to provide support for boys’ education. Most of the public-private programs focus mainly on educating poor girls, without considering the overall rate of children’s schooling. To achieve the Government’s Vision 2021 goal, PPP programs need to start implementing educational support programs that provide equal opportunity for both girls and boys, in both urban and poor areas.