Category: Uncategorized

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    Africa’s slums are growing at twice the rate of its cities. By some accounts, sub-Saharan Africa will have upwards of 332 million slum dwellers by 2015. While millions of dollars have been spent improving the conditions in Africa’s urban informal settlements and the lives of the people who live therein, overall these efforts have amounted to little more than a drop in the ocean. Join our six panelists to explore the options for stemming the growth of these sprawling settlements and improving conditions in those slums that already exist: Irene Karanja of Muungano Support Trust (SDI) (Kenya); Claudio Torres of the UN-HABITAT Participatory Slum Upgrading Unit (PSUP) (Kenya); architect, urban planner, and World Bank Municipal Development Program consultant Sara Candiracci (Mozambique); Aditya Kumar of the Community Organization Resource Centre (CORC) (SDI) (South Africa); Jhono Bennett of the University of Johannesburg (South Africa); and Marie Huchzermeyer of the University of the Witwatersrand (South Africa).

    Click on the pictures of the panelists to see each panelist’s perspective below.

    Executive Director of Muungano Support Trust, a secretariat of the Shack/Slum Dwellers International Federation (SDI) (Kenya)

    Over the last 25 years, slum dwellers from cities in Africa have successfully mobilized into collections of Federations of the Urban Poor.

    These federations have collected their own financial resources in the form of savings and data pools, creating citywide profiles and extensive slum censuses. Unknown to the world, slum federations have managed to produce a large volume of documented knowledge about themselves that has transformed how the government delivers important services to its poor citizens and how financial instruments can be innovated by financial institutions to serve the needs of the poor.

    Using data collected from the profiles and censuses, Muungano Support Trust, a local NGO working with the federation of Kenya, has provided advisory services to the Government of Kenya and the World Bank, in order to help them intervene and provide housing solutions to over 10,000 families in the Kibera and Mukuru areas of Nairobi.

    The trust has also worked with university planning schools from the local and international academia community to influence how transforming planning discourse can untrap informal human settlements from the snares of historically rigid city planning standards.

    The private sector has grand opportunities to turn urban poor communities into important players within the city. Financial resources from the poor are beginning to challenge and put pressure on the private sector to innovate solutions. Federations have interventions that are facilitating this to happen.

    Data collected by communities with the support and technical capacity of organizations such as Muungano Support Trust, shows that there is a missing link that government interventions are not able to fill and development assistance is failing to cover.

    Insecurity of tenure remains one of the biggest challenges to improving the lives of slum dwellers in Nairobi. The government needs to release land for human settlement, whether it be public, private, or contested. If this does not happen, development aid will continue to subsidize the costs required for technical services to innovate various kinds of solutions for what are essentially locked scenarios!

    Irene Karanja is the founding Executive Director of Muungano Support Trust (MuST), a secretariat of the Slum/Shack Dwellers Federation in Kenya. She is a specialist in participatory research, community organizing and capacity building for the urban poor. For over six years, she has transformed the use of participatory techniques for data collection into a major instrument for planning the upgrading of slums. She has organized a strong constituency of slum dwellers to assume leadership of these settlements through savings groups, housing cooperatives and women’s associations.

    Architect, UN-HABITAT Participatory Slum Upgrading Programme (PSUP) (Kenya)

    African countries represent the majority of the least developed countries (LCD). Taking into account the fact that in most of these countries, the urban population growth is expanding at a faster pace than the national one, it is important to make three considerations in answering the question: “What will it take to make slum upgrading work in African urban centres?”

    Governments should be prepared to ‘give away’. National and local governments should weigh out the costs and risks of perpetuating the status quo and should fulfill the right of adequate housing for all at a pace that copes with the increase in poor urban households. They should prioritise, for example, the free provision of land for the urban poor, in the understanding that there will be no real estate profit and that no particular individual will benefit — a challenging task in a context where African post-independence elites have generally improved their own lives with little regard to equity and social justice.

    Strategies for the provision of adequate housing for the urban poor should go beyond market logic. In trying to come up with housing strategies that appeal to investors, the focus has shifted from the upgrading of the slum dwellers’ living conditions to the beautification of particularly degraded areas. This unchaining of a series of transaction costs results in a gentrification process that relocates the problem without giving it a solution. Slum upgrading strategies should strictly be conceived through a human rights approach.

    Adequate housing strategies should trigger self-relief dynamics in overcoming poverty. The problem of urban poverty is too big to miss the opportunity to engage concerned communities in devising its solution. The Latin-American slum upgrading experience has demonstrated that giving the right initial impulse to poor urban communities actually encourages a progressive and proactive self-upgrading attitude in slum residents, reducing the need for government funds to improve the living conditions of the urban poor. A strong involvement of the community can also help to reduce the risk of benefiting the wrong people, a common shortfall in superficially planned slum upgrading interventions.

    Claudio Torres is an architect with 10 years experience in the field of slum upgrading and housing in an African context. His work has taken him from the slums of Nairobi to settlements in Somaliland and South Sudan where he has worked as an architect, monitoring and evaluation expert, project manager, and construction expert. Torres has worked extensively in Nairobi’s Mathare valley slum with the Italian NGO COOPI, helping to set up an office in the field from which he coordinated a series of different programs. He is currently a consultant for the Participatory Slum Upgrading Program (PSUP), a division of UN-Habitat.

    Architect, Urban Planner and Consultant, World Bank Municipal Development Program (Mozambique)

    Urbanization in Africa is growing and national governments and local authorities are faced with the challenge of guiding cities’ growth while dealing with other constraints, including limited financial resources; weak institutional, management, and technical capacities; lack of proper urban policies and financial mechanisms to mobilize and regulate investments.

    To strengthen the ability of African cities to generate wealth, prosperity, and economic and human development, national governments and local authorities need to define a clear vision for the future of their cities and their informal settlements.

    Cities must be seen and treated as complex organisms whose elements are interconnected. Informal settlements should be seen as an integral part of this organism, and not as a “sick body” to be fought. They constitute a precious resource for the city and its population and must be included in the urban grid.

    Each and every stakeholder, whether it be the national government, local authorities, civil society, the community, the private sector, or the donor community, have a role to play and must be partners in the development and implementation of this vision for the city. In particular, the active participation of the local community is essential in finding lasting solutions, and to guarantee ownership and sustainability, social cohesion, and integration.

    The implementation of comprehensive and integrated improvement plans in informal areas would be ideal; however, it takes a long time and requires considerable financial resources. Considering the constraints in local financial and institutional capabilities, it is preferable to adopt an incremental approach, whereby small-scale interventions are first envisioned and planned in an extensive development plan, and then are carried out gradually through community participation.

    Priority must be given to the improvement and provision of infrastructure, basic services, accessibility, safety, and the creation of economic opportunities. Concurrently, special attention should be given to outdoor public spaces, where a vital part of the community’s social, cultural, and economic activities is conducted. Improving these spaces would improve the framework of daily life and bring dignity, beauty, and utility to informal and poor areas with minimal resources.

    Sara Candiracci is an architect and urban planner with 10 years experience in the design, management, and implementation of several urban planning and slum upgrading projects in Latin America and Africa with different organizations including UN-Habitat, the Inter-American Development Bank, and various NGOs. She is now working at the Municipality of Maputo, Mozambique, as Urban Planning Advisor for the World Bank Municipal Development Program. She is also conducting her PhD research on the potential use of urban cultural heritage in urban regeneration and planning, considering Maputo as case of study.

    Deputy Director, Community Organisation Resource Centre (CORC), an affiliate of Shack/Slum Dwellers International (South Africa)

    Over the last 20 years, the South African government has been hailed as having the most progressive housing and poverty policy environments in the continent. Besides making welfare grants available to previously marginalized communities, it has made provisions to provide housing to any citizen earning under R3,500 ($350)/month.

    Although more than 2.3 million subsidized homes have been built across the country, the impacts of the housing policy have fallen short. Informal settlements have gone up by 900 percent (from 300 to 2,700) while there are an estimated 2.1 million people on the waiting list for state-subsidized housing.

    Realizing the constraints of the housing program, the State has rapidly shifted its emphasis to informal settlement upgrading. New regulatory frameworks like Outcome 8 have been developed to allow for provision of basic services and tenure rights.

    While the aims of Outcome 8 and its aligned policies have been well defined, in my view there are still gaps in addressing the bigger issues. Firstly, how incremental informal settlement upgrading is implemented must be defined: are we trying to address tenure rights or basic services, land or housing, dependency on the state or self-reliance through livelihoods? Secondly, there is the manner in which informal settlement upgrading is being rolled out. Currently it doesn’t account for strong community, civil society, and NGO participation, nor does it address the broader issue of project finance, outsourcing, and party politics.

    The process of upgrading is about learning and letting go, about making space for communities to innovate with the state, about creating a city-wide network/movement that can change the spatial patterns of the city and strengthen citizenship.

    Aditya Kumar is the technical coordinator and deputy director for the Community Organization Resource Centre (CORC), affiliated to Shack/Slum Dwellers International, currently working with informal settlement and backyarder dwellers of South Africa. His previous experience has included post-war reconstruction of Palestinian refugee camps (Lebanon), post-earthquake disaster housing reconstruction (India), affordable and social housing and large urban development projects (Los Angeles and Boston). His work has fostered multi-stakeholder partnerships between local communities, CBOs, government bodies, academic institutions, and International NGOs, with a key focus on strengthening community-driven design, planning, and implementation. The reconstruction of Palestinian refugee camps has also been shortlisted for the Aga Khan Award for Architecture.

    Architect and Lecturer and Researcher, University of Johannesburg

    The National Development Plan’s Outcome 8 agreement is behind the South African government’s current shift towards in situ housing upgrading as a means of redevelopment. This goal of upgrading 400,000 informal settlements has been developed under the mandate of the National Upgrade Support Program.

    Large-scale construction consortiums are working alongside the government, in collaboration with various planning, architectural, and non-governmental entities on the current Reconstruction & Development Program.

    While these initiatives are creating an institutional framework to begin addressing the needs of informal settlement residents in South Africa, there is little focus across the board on training effective practitioners who can play crucial intermediary roles not only in informal settlement upgrading but also in the nation’s spatial redevelopment.

    From my experience in this field, it seems that there are a disproportionately small number of practitioners who have the understanding, experience, or empathy required to engage with the dynamics of informal settlement communities and the complexity of working within the social, economic, and political intricacy that exists between grassroots entities and government structures.

    A major factor for this condition is related to the lack of opportunities for spatial design practitioners (engineers, architects, planners, etc), to be exposed to these complex environments. As a result, many ‘professionals’, as well as many government officials, often display dangerously simplistic views on how to ‘fix’ the problems at hand.

    From my work and experience in academia and the NGO sector, I believe that empathetic spatial design practitioners hold the key position to engage effectively at the ‘community’ level while addressing the larger spatial inequalities of post-apartheid South Africa.

    My aim lies in understanding and sharing contextually appropriate training, practice, and precedents through critical engagement with South Africa’s residents of poor and unsafe living conditions in order to further develop this ‘additional role’ for socio-technical spatial design practice.

    Jhono Bennett is an architect who works at the University of Johannesburg as a part-time lecturer and Independent researcher, while managing the operations of 1:1 — Agency of Engagement, a non-profit entity which he co-founded to provide a design-based collaborative service between grassroots organizations, professionals, academia, and government.

    Masters Program in Housing at the School of Architecture and Planning at the University of the Witwatersrand (South Africa)

    Internationally, there has been unprecedented focus on ‘slums’ in the new millennium. In southern African cities, informal settlements are certainly a concern, although in Anglophone countries the legacy of British colonial planning has to some extent kept these settlements out of middle-class sight. Where informal settlements have intruded into visible locations, as for instance in Lusophone Luanda, recent efforts have been made to remove these to the city periphery. In South Africa, a somewhat reverse government discourse targeted ‘visible’ informal settlements for ‘in situ upgrading’. This approach was adopted by the high profile N2 Gateway Project in Cape Town, which originally targeted all informal settlements that lined the motorway from the airport to the historical city centre for upgrading. In the years that followed, this project morphed into the Luandan approach — the removal of visible informal settlements. In the Cape Town case, removal was to a controlled decanting camp on the far side of the airport. Yet the public was told that the commitment remained to ‘in situ upgrading’. The term was simply given a new meaning, namely for the state to demolish and then build new housing to modern standard for a different clientele.

    With this juxtaposition of informal settlement treatment in Angola and South Africa, I’d like to provoke debate on the core meaning of ‘informal settlement upgrading’ as well as the political uses associated to the meaning. For me, the essence of in situ upgrading is the recognition of two important points. One is that the unevenly developing economies in southern Africa, in the absence of radical change, will not facilitate the replacement of all informal settlements with planned and fully serviced residential developments for the households currently in these settlements. This recognition prevents ‘wishing away’ the reality of urban informality. The other is that informal settlements result out of determination, initiative (often collective), creativity, and complex decisions by poor households. These must be respected and supported where possible.

    Marie Huchzermeyer convenes and teaches in the masters programme in Housing at the School of Architecture and Planning at the University of the Witwatersrand. This base has allowed her to provide support to rights-based struggles from within informal settlement for ‘real’ in situ upgrading. Her recent work includes a 2011 book “Cities With ‘Slums’: From Informal Settlement Eradication to a Right to the City in Africa,” and a comparison with Brazil in a 2004 book, “Unlawful Occupation: Informal Settlements and Urban Policy in South Africa and Brazil.”

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    Africa’s slums are growing at twice the rate of its cities. By some accounts, sub-Saharan Africa will have upwards of 332 million slum dwellers by 2015. While millions of dollars have been spent improving the conditions in Africa’s urban informal settlements and the lives of the people who live therein, overall these efforts have amounted to little more than a drop in the ocean. Join our six panelists to explore the options for stemming the growth of these sprawling settlements and improving conditions in those slums that already exist: Irene Karanja of Muungano Support Trust (SDI) (Kenya); Claudio Torres of the UN-HABITAT Participatory Slum Upgrading Unit (PSUP) (Kenya); architect, urban planner, and World Bank Municipal Development Program consultant Sara Candiracci (Mozambique); Aditya Kumar of the Community Organization Resource Centre (CORC) (SDI) (South Africa); Jhono Bennett of the University of Johannesburg (South Africa); and Marie Huchzermeyer of the University of the Witwatersrand (South Africa).

    Click on the pictures of the panelists to see each panelist’s perspective below.

    Executive Director of Muungano Support Trust, a secretariat of the Shack/Slum Dwellers International Federation (SDI) (Kenya)

    Over the last 25 years, slum dwellers from cities in Africa have successfully mobilized into collections of Federations of the Urban Poor.

    These federations have collected their own financial resources in the form of savings and data pools, creating citywide profiles and extensive slum censuses. Unknown to the world, slum federations have managed to produce a large volume of documented knowledge about themselves that has transformed how the government delivers important services to its poor citizens and how financial instruments can be innovated by financial institutions to serve the needs of the poor.

    Using data collected from the profiles and censuses, Muungano Support Trust, a local NGO working with the federation of Kenya, has provided advisory services to the Government of Kenya and the World Bank, in order to help them intervene and provide housing solutions to over 10,000 families in the Kibera and Mukuru areas of Nairobi.

    The trust has also worked with university planning schools from the local and international academia community to influence how transforming planning discourse can untrap informal human settlements from the snares of historically rigid city planning standards.

    The private sector has grand opportunities to turn urban poor communities into important players within the city. Financial resources from the poor are beginning to challenge and put pressure on the private sector to innovate solutions. Federations have interventions that are facilitating this to happen.

    Data collected by communities with the support and technical capacity of organizations such as Muungano Support Trust, shows that there is a missing link that government interventions are not able to fill and development assistance is failing to cover.

    Insecurity of tenure remains one of the biggest challenges to improving the lives of slum dwellers in Nairobi. The government needs to release land for human settlement, whether it be public, private, or contested. If this does not happen, development aid will continue to subsidize the costs required for technical services to innovate various kinds of solutions for what are essentially locked scenarios!

    Irene Karanja is the founding Executive Director of Muungano Support Trust (MuST), a secretariat of the Slum/Shack Dwellers Federation in Kenya. She is a specialist in participatory research, community organizing and capacity building for the urban poor. For over six years, she has transformed the use of participatory techniques for data collection into a major instrument for planning the upgrading of slums. She has organized a strong constituency of slum dwellers to assume leadership of these settlements through savings groups, housing cooperatives and women’s associations.

    Architect, UN-HABITAT Participatory Slum Upgrading Programme (PSUP) (Kenya)

    African countries represent the majority of the least developed countries (LCD). Taking into account the fact that in most of these countries, the urban population growth is expanding at a faster pace than the national one, it is important to make three considerations in answering the question: “What will it take to make slum upgrading work in African urban centres?”

    Governments should be prepared to ‘give away’. National and local governments should weigh out the costs and risks of perpetuating the status quo and should fulfill the right of adequate housing for all at a pace that copes with the increase in poor urban households. They should prioritise, for example, the free provision of land for the urban poor, in the understanding that there will be no real estate profit and that no particular individual will benefit — a challenging task in a context where African post-independence elites have generally improved their own lives with little regard to equity and social justice.

    Strategies for the provision of adequate housing for the urban poor should go beyond market logic. In trying to come up with housing strategies that appeal to investors, the focus has shifted from the upgrading of the slum dwellers’ living conditions to the beautification of particularly degraded areas. This unchaining of a series of transaction costs results in a gentrification process that relocates the problem without giving it a solution. Slum upgrading strategies should strictly be conceived through a human rights approach.

    Adequate housing strategies should trigger self-relief dynamics in overcoming poverty. The problem of urban poverty is too big to miss the opportunity to engage concerned communities in devising its solution. The Latin-American slum upgrading experience has demonstrated that giving the right initial impulse to poor urban communities actually encourages a progressive and proactive self-upgrading attitude in slum residents, reducing the need for government funds to improve the living conditions of the urban poor. A strong involvement of the community can also help to reduce the risk of benefiting the wrong people, a common shortfall in superficially planned slum upgrading interventions.

    Claudio Torres is an architect with 10 years experience in the field of slum upgrading and housing in an African context. His work has taken him from the slums of Nairobi to settlements in Somaliland and South Sudan where he has worked as an architect, monitoring and evaluation expert, project manager, and construction expert. Torres has worked extensively in Nairobi’s Mathare valley slum with the Italian NGO COOPI, helping to set up an office in the field from which he coordinated a series of different programs. He is currently a consultant for the Participatory Slum Upgrading Program (PSUP), a division of UN-Habitat.

    Architect, Urban Planner and Consultant, World Bank Municipal Development Program (Mozambique)

    Urbanization in Africa is growing and national governments and local authorities are faced with the challenge of guiding cities’ growth while dealing with other constraints, including limited financial resources; weak institutional, management, and technical capacities; lack of proper urban policies and financial mechanisms to mobilize and regulate investments.

    To strengthen the ability of African cities to generate wealth, prosperity, and economic and human development, national governments and local authorities need to define a clear vision for the future of their cities and their informal settlements.

    Cities must be seen and treated as complex organisms whose elements are interconnected. Informal settlements should be seen as an integral part of this organism, and not as a “sick body” to be fought. They constitute a precious resource for the city and its population and must be included in the urban grid.

    Each and every stakeholder, whether it be the national government, local authorities, civil society, the community, the private sector, or the donor community, have a role to play and must be partners in the development and implementation of this vision for the city. In particular, the active participation of the local community is essential in finding lasting solutions, and to guarantee ownership and sustainability, social cohesion, and integration.

    The implementation of comprehensive and integrated improvement plans in informal areas would be ideal; however, it takes a long time and requires considerable financial resources. Considering the constraints in local financial and institutional capabilities, it is preferable to adopt an incremental approach, whereby small-scale interventions are first envisioned and planned in an extensive development plan, and then are carried out gradually through community participation.

    Priority must be given to the improvement and provision of infrastructure, basic services, accessibility, safety, and the creation of economic opportunities. Concurrently, special attention should be given to outdoor public spaces, where a vital part of the community’s social, cultural, and economic activities is conducted. Improving these spaces would improve the framework of daily life and bring dignity, beauty, and utility to informal and poor areas with minimal resources.

    Sara Candiracci is an architect and urban planner with 10 years experience in the design, management, and implementation of several urban planning and slum upgrading projects in Latin America and Africa with different organizations including UN-Habitat, the Inter-American Development Bank, and various NGOs. She is now working at the Municipality of Maputo, Mozambique, as Urban Planning Advisor for the World Bank Municipal Development Program. She is also conducting her PhD research on the potential use of urban cultural heritage in urban regeneration and planning, considering Maputo as case of study.

    Deputy Director, Community Organisation Resource Centre (CORC), an affiliate of Shack/Slum Dwellers International (South Africa)

    Over the last 20 years, the South African government has been hailed as having the most progressive housing and poverty policy environments in the continent. Besides making welfare grants available to previously marginalized communities, it has made provisions to provide housing to any citizen earning under R3,500 ($350)/month.

    Although more than 2.3 million subsidized homes have been built across the country, the impacts of the housing policy have fallen short. Informal settlements have gone up by 900 percent (from 300 to 2,700) while there are an estimated 2.1 million people on the waiting list for state-subsidized housing.

    Realizing the constraints of the housing program, the State has rapidly shifted its emphasis to informal settlement upgrading. New regulatory frameworks like Outcome 8 have been developed to allow for provision of basic services and tenure rights.

    While the aims of Outcome 8 and its aligned policies have been well defined, in my view there are still gaps in addressing the bigger issues. Firstly, how incremental informal settlement upgrading is implemented must be defined: are we trying to address tenure rights or basic services, land or housing, dependency on the state or self-reliance through livelihoods? Secondly, there is the manner in which informal settlement upgrading is being rolled out. Currently it doesn’t account for strong community, civil society, and NGO participation, nor does it address the broader issue of project finance, outsourcing, and party politics.

    The process of upgrading is about learning and letting go, about making space for communities to innovate with the state, about creating a city-wide network/movement that can change the spatial patterns of the city and strengthen citizenship.

    Aditya Kumar is the technical coordinator and deputy director for the Community Organization Resource Centre (CORC), affiliated to Shack/Slum Dwellers International, currently working with informal settlement and backyarder dwellers of South Africa. His previous experience has included post-war reconstruction of Palestinian refugee camps (Lebanon), post-earthquake disaster housing reconstruction (India), affordable and social housing and large urban development projects (Los Angeles and Boston). His work has fostered multi-stakeholder partnerships between local communities, CBOs, government bodies, academic institutions, and International NGOs, with a key focus on strengthening community-driven design, planning, and implementation. The reconstruction of Palestinian refugee camps has also been shortlisted for the Aga Khan Award for Architecture.

    Architect and Lecturer and Researcher, University of Johannesburg

    The National Development Plan’s Outcome 8 agreement is behind the South African government’s current shift towards in situ housing upgrading as a means of redevelopment. This goal of upgrading 400,000 informal settlements has been developed under the mandate of the National Upgrade Support Program.

    Large-scale construction consortiums are working alongside the government, in collaboration with various planning, architectural, and non-governmental entities on the current Reconstruction & Development Program.

    While these initiatives are creating an institutional framework to begin addressing the needs of informal settlement residents in South Africa, there is little focus across the board on training effective practitioners who can play crucial intermediary roles not only in informal settlement upgrading but also in the nation’s spatial redevelopment.

    From my experience in this field, it seems that there are a disproportionately small number of practitioners who have the understanding, experience, or empathy required to engage with the dynamics of informal settlement communities and the complexity of working within the social, economic, and political intricacy that exists between grassroots entities and government structures.

    A major factor for this condition is related to the lack of opportunities for spatial design practitioners (engineers, architects, planners, etc), to be exposed to these complex environments. As a result, many ‘professionals’, as well as many government officials, often display dangerously simplistic views on how to ‘fix’ the problems at hand.

    From my work and experience in academia and the NGO sector, I believe that empathetic spatial design practitioners hold the key position to engage effectively at the ‘community’ level while addressing the larger spatial inequalities of post-apartheid South Africa.

    My aim lies in understanding and sharing contextually appropriate training, practice, and precedents through critical engagement with South Africa’s residents of poor and unsafe living conditions in order to further develop this ‘additional role’ for socio-technical spatial design practice.

    Jhono Bennett is an architect who works at the University of Johannesburg as a part-time lecturer and Independent researcher, while managing the operations of 1:1 — Agency of Engagement, a non-profit entity which he co-founded to provide a design-based collaborative service between grassroots organizations, professionals, academia, and government.

    Masters Program in Housing at the School of Architecture and Planning at the University of the Witwatersrand (South Africa)

    Internationally, there has been unprecedented focus on ‘slums’ in the new millennium. In southern African cities, informal settlements are certainly a concern, although in Anglophone countries the legacy of British colonial planning has to some extent kept these settlements out of middle-class sight. Where informal settlements have intruded into visible locations, as for instance in Lusophone Luanda, recent efforts have been made to remove these to the city periphery. In South Africa, a somewhat reverse government discourse targeted ‘visible’ informal settlements for ‘in situ upgrading’. This approach was adopted by the high profile N2 Gateway Project in Cape Town, which originally targeted all informal settlements that lined the motorway from the airport to the historical city centre for upgrading. In the years that followed, this project morphed into the Luandan approach — the removal of visible informal settlements. In the Cape Town case, removal was to a controlled decanting camp on the far side of the airport. Yet the public was told that the commitment remained to ‘in situ upgrading’. The term was simply given a new meaning, namely for the state to demolish and then build new housing to modern standard for a different clientele.

    With this juxtaposition of informal settlement treatment in Angola and South Africa, I’d like to provoke debate on the core meaning of ‘informal settlement upgrading’ as well as the political uses associated to the meaning. For me, the essence of in situ upgrading is the recognition of two important points. One is that the unevenly developing economies in southern Africa, in the absence of radical change, will not facilitate the replacement of all informal settlements with planned and fully serviced residential developments for the households currently in these settlements. This recognition prevents ‘wishing away’ the reality of urban informality. The other is that informal settlements result out of determination, initiative (often collective), creativity, and complex decisions by poor households. These must be respected and supported where possible.

    Marie Huchzermeyer convenes and teaches in the masters programme in Housing at the School of Architecture and Planning at the University of the Witwatersrand. This base has allowed her to provide support to rights-based struggles from within informal settlement for ‘real’ in situ upgrading. Her recent work includes a 2011 book “Cities With ‘Slums’: From Informal Settlement Eradication to a Right to the City in Africa,” and a comparison with Brazil in a 2004 book, “Unlawful Occupation: Informal Settlements and Urban Policy in South Africa and Brazil.”

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    As 2013 draws to a close, it is a good opportunity to reflect on what we have learned from cities in the URB.im network during the last year. Some of our community managers discuss the benefits of increased citizen participation in the planning and implementation of urban initiatives. Others highlight the effectiveness of programs that build the capacity of youth and women to be agents for poverty alleviation. Many discuss how to ensure that the benefits of economic growth and urban improvement extend to the most marginalized residents. Continue reading to learn more about our lessons learned and join the discussion to share your own.

    Carlin Carr, Mumbai Community Manager

    This time last year, a horrific event took place in India. A young girl and her male friend took a late-night bus ride in Delhi after a movie; it ended up being the girl’s last. In the bus, she was gang raped and so brutally assaulted that even an emergency medical flight to Singapore couldn’t save her. The incident sparked national and international outrage; protestors poured into the streets of India’s major cities to force more stringent laws to protect women against violence.

    Months later, a female photojournalist out on an assignment in an abandoned mill area in the center of Mumbai endured a similarly brutal assault and gang rape. As it turns out, the men had done this to ragpicker women in the area before, but few women, especially the poor, feel comfortable stepping forward. Mumbai has always been touted as a safe city for women, but incidents like these have rattled this sense of security.

    While legal frameworks, training for police officers, and educating men are all key areas in reducing violence against women, urban planning also has a large role to play. For women to feel safe in India’s urban environments, city planners need to ensure that appropriate infrastructure is in place to help women feel safer and more secure in — and to feel that they are a part of — urban India. Here are five key areas to address:

    • Transport: Women-only train cars have been a great addition in Mumbai; in Bangalore, sections of the buses also are reserved solely for women. These measures reserve safe spaces for women and signal that women are encouraged to travel in the city.
    • Lighting: Dark streets create an unwelcoming environment for women, and the lack of lighting also jeopardizes their safety. Streetlights are needed not only throughout main roads and thoroughfares, but also in informal settlements, where darkness hovers once the sun goes down.
    • Activity: Despite the antagonistic relationship that many Indian cities have toward street vendors, their presence brings a vitality that increases women’s security. Delhi proposed an initiative last year to create vending areas near metro entrances. Initiatives of this type, particularly around transport stations, will go a long way in creating a city that is not only vibrant, but also safe.
    • Passageways: Although crossing roads in Mumbai is risky, the underground passageways that allow walkers to traverse busy intersections are much scarier, especially for women. Some in the city seem much friendlier than others, with good lighting and security officers posted, but many others are dark and dank.
    • Sanitation: We recently reported on the abysmal toilet situation in Mumbai, where there is only one toilet seat for every 1,800 women. Even when there are toilets available, women and young girls often have to walk great distances or choose a dark and secluded area in order to have some measure of privacy. Providing proper sanitation preserves people’s dignity, but it also will go a long way toward reducing the risk of violence against women during this necessary act.

    Many of these measures are low-hanging fruit in the larger urban planning needs of the city. They are economically feasible and don’t require large infrastructure overhauls. Brighter, more vibrant and welcoming cities will benefit the entire citizenry and go a long way toward making women feel comfortable engaging in their urban environment.

    Photo credit: erin

    Katy Fentress, Nairobi Community Manager

    On the 12th of December, Kenya celebrated Jamhuri (Independence) Day. The event came at the end of a year that played host to a roller coaster of emotions for all those who have a part of themselves invested in this country.

    Nairobi’s 2013 was a year that witnessed impressive progress in terms of infrastructure development, but in which the government made no significant progress on providing services to the city’s numerous slum dwellers. It was a year in which Nairobians came together in great shows of unity, but also saw neighborhoods turn against each other; a year of victories and pride, but also one of great loss and shame. 2013 was the year in which it became clear to what extent corruption puts everyone’s security at risk and the year that the term “Silicon savannah” began to gain serious traction in the business world.

    Politics, technology, infrastructure development, and finance ruled the discussion board in 2013 and laid important cornerstones for future discussions on how the country will develop and evolve.

    In politics, Kenyans collectively held their breath for three months in the run-up to the elections. Come Election Day in Nairobi and the rest of the country, people eager to be counted queued for hours in the sun and dust in long peaceful lines. As radios and TV channels preached the mantra of non-violence — occasionally at the expense of the truth — the #KOT (Kenyans on Twitter) hashtag acquired prominence, and people flocked to social media to vent grievances or poke fun at the international press.

    Nairobi Governor Evans Kidero was voted in on a slew of electoral promises — amongst which, to improve service delivery to the capital, improve the living standards of slum dwellers, and address the problem of Dandora, the city’s overflowing dumpsite. Ten months after elections, the promises are yet to be met: Kidero has held meetings with representatives of Nairobi’s different slums, where he reiterated his commitment to increasing employment opportunities for youth; his wife has made public donations to various slum orphanages; and the Dandora question is under discussion.

    Yet lack of communication between the lands ministry, the Governor’s office, and interested stakeholders resulted in Nubian settlers from Kibera slum not being issued title deeds they had been promised, and the lighting, security, and city-wide cleanup residents believed would take place failed to materialize.

    In infrastructure development, despite a few hiccups, work on Nairobi’s southern and eastern bypasses continued to move forward, as did the construction of Nairobi’s new international airline terminal, which was launched in December despite the chaos that followed the burning of the arrivals terminal in August this year. The Nairobi light commuter rail network opened a new station, the Safaricom Kasarani stadium was brought to completion, and Machakos county (part of the city’s larger metropolitan area) unveiled its ambitious development plan and how it intends to create Machowood, Kenya’s first dedicated film production studios.

    Progresses in technology were routinely feted, the term “Silicon Savannah” became increasingly popular amongst technological investors eager to branch into the burgeoning African market, and Microsoft and IBM moved their African headquarters to Nairobi. Yet people’s trust in technology took a strong blow after the hyped-up IEBC e-voting machines routinely broke down over the election, prompting pollsters to return to a more traditional and easy-to-tamper-with ballot system.

    Finance went from strength to strength as the Kenyan stock market continued to rise throughout the year and the government began to recognize that the most sustainable form of development was the one that came from the grassroots. As a result, efforts were stepped up to invest in youth and women’s savings groups through the newly introduced Uwezo Fund.

    Photo 3: Javi Moreno. Photo 4: Damiano Lotteria.

    Olatawura Ladipo-Ajayi, Lagos Community Manager

    Lagos is the most populous city state in Nigeria, home to over five percent of the nation’s 166 million residents, and ever growing. To manage this large group of people and to create an environment that is not only safe and accommodating but also filled with opportunities for improved living and continuous growth, the state government and various civil society organisations have spent 2013 working on a number of ingenious projects to achieve these goals.

    Makoko’s slum clearance, part of the city’s effort to make the city safer and more modernized, illustrates the importance of considering the social impact of urban planning and growth projects. The economic and social effects of this slum clearance on the communities are grave: residents become displaced, lose their shelter, sense of safety, and livelihood. Other initiatives in Makoko have been more successful: the innovative floating school project plans to make education more accessible to slum residents.

    While some projects face strategic planning and implementation flaws, many of them are not only well-intentioned but also successful. Some of these projects include the Youth Empowerment and ICT Center, the Vocational Training Skills Acquisition Center, and the Real Women’s Foundation empowerment program. These programs focus on providing marginalized populations with skills and opportunities to alleviate poverty and to contribute productively to society. While the city and the ICT center’s programs such as the Urban Youth Empowerment Program focus on youth, the Real Women’s Foundation “peace villa” rehabilitates women and also provides life-skills training. Both programs encourage entrepreneurship and employment, an efficient way of alleviating poverty, and have recorded great success.

    Lagos has a magnitude of opportunity to improve the lot of its marginalized urban residents. While progress is being made in various aspects, such as transportation, health care awareness, and employment creation, it is important that urban planners and officials consider the impact of rapid progress on every class of its citizens, so as to avoid situations like those that arose with the slum clearance in Makoko. The urban future is very bright for Lagos; we have learned that, with adequate planning and proper social impact assessment, it is possible to create development solutions that do not leave certain groups of the society in the dark. With this in mind, Lagos can continue to make strides towards being a just and inclusive city in 2014.

    Photo credit: Roy Luck

    María Fernanda Carvallo, Gestor Comunitario de Mexico D.F.

    A lo largo del 2013 comentamos sobre diversas estrategias de inclusión y de superación de la pobreza en la Ciudad de México. Si bien las soluciones son variadas e innovadoras, un factor central en la solución de estos problemas es el involucramiento de la participación de la población que vive las situaciones de conflicto; puesto que desde un enfoque de participación para el desarrollo, ellos son los expertos que priorizan e identifican las necesidades y áreas de oportunidad de su desarrollo.

    Por ejemplo, el mapeo comunitario en Nezahualcóyotl, facilitado por la Universidad de las Américas, identificó las variables de vulnerabilidad de la población; al igual que los pobladores de San Andrés Totoltepec en Tlalpan, impulsado por la Organización Fomento Solidario de la Vivienda (FOSOVI). Los habitantes de ambas localidades realizaron un diagnóstico comunitario para visualizar las carencias sociales que debían de satisfacer, así como los recursos disponibles para obtener soluciones. En este sentido, se da evidencia de que la misma población que se encuentra en situaciones de vulnerabilidad, puede generar sus propias soluciones y así ser una comunidad que desarrolla estrategias de vida. El factor elemental en estos modelos de desarrollo local ha sido la intervención de actores externos, como las organizaciones de la sociedad civil, que habilitan mecanismos que cohesionan el capital social de las personas y empoderan para que la población descubra su capacidad.

    Hoy en día, la agenda de desarrollo rompe con el paradigma de los enfoques de políticas públicas desde arriba, para focalizar los esfuerzos en metodologías que permitan vincular a los diversos actores que juegan un rol activo en la promoción del bienestar. En este sentido, Enrique Betancourt, urbanista de la Ciudad de México, nos compartió en una entrevista, que uno de los grandes retos para esta ciudad es un paquete de acciones coordinadas — estrategias que integren el equipamiento e infraestructura con programas sociales y con un fuerte componente de participación ciudadana. Así mismo, la inclusión de la población marginada, como una tarea de planeación urbana, está relacionada con garantizar a las personas el derecho a la ciudad. Es decir el tutelaje de que todos accedan a los beneficios de vivir en comunidad, lo cual impulsa cambios de manera más rápida y eficiente. De acuerdo a Betancourt, es necesario borrar las barreras institucionales, sociales, y físicas que promueven que hasta ahora se dividan los ciudadanos de primera y segunda clase. Para lo anterior, es necesaria una sinergia de actores y del fortalecimiento de la capacidad de las organizaciones sociales para ofrecer la atención de servicios de manera descentralizada y abarcando a la población que aún no ha podido ejercer su derecho.

    Una Ciudad debe de erigirse sobre la inclusión y participación de sus pobladores; de tal manera, para el 2014 debemos tener en la mira que la planeación urbana debe de ser un acuerdo pactado entre los ciudadanos y las autoridades sobre el papel que la Ciudad de México desempeñará, a fin de que la ciudadanía sea participativa en el cumplimiento de esa visión.

    Foto: FOSOVI

    María Fernanda Carvallo, Mexico City Community Manager

    Throughout 2013 we discussed various inclusion and poverty reduction strategies in Mexico City. While the solutions discussed are varied and innovative, a key factor is the involvement of the population through active participation. By participating in the development of their community, citizens share their expert knowledge, which prioritizes and identifies needs, as well as areas of opportunity and development.

    One good example is the community mapping in Nezahualcóyotl, facilitated by the University of the Americas: the initiative successfully identified the population’s vulnerability, as with the population of San Andrés Totoltepec in Tlalpan, led by the Organización Fomento Solidario de la Vivienda (FOSOVI). The inhabitants of both towns conducted a community assessment in order to show the social gaps that needed closing, as well as the resources available to meet the possible solutions. This shows that citizens living in vulnerable situations can in fact generate their own solutions and thus be a community that develops livelihoods. The essential factor in these models of local development is the involvement of external actors such as civil society organizations, which help to unite residents’ social capital and empower them to discover their own potential.

    Today, the development agenda shatters the paradigm of top-down public policy approaches in order to focus on methodologies that allow the linking of various stakeholders who play an active role in promoting wellness. Enrique Betancourt, an urban expert from Mexico City, said during an interview that one of the great challenges that the city faces is a package of coordinated actions: strategies that integrate supplies, infrastructure, and social programs with a strong component of citizen participation. Moreover, the inclusion of marginalized populations is related to guaranteeing residents the right to the city. This means that all citizens must have access to the benefits of living in a community, which in turn drives changes to happen more quickly and efficiently. According to Betancourt, it is necessary to remove the institutional, social, and physical barriers that promote divisions between first- and second-class citizens. For this, it is necessary to have a synergy of actors and to strengthen the capacity of organizations that provide decentralized social care services.

    A city should be established on the principles of inclusion and participation. Therefore, in 2014 we must look to urban planning to reach an agreement between citizens and authorities on the path that Mexico City will take, so that the entire population participates in the fulfillment of this vision.

    Photo: FOSOVI

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    Jorge Bela, Cali Community Manager

    A key issue at the time of designing and implementing programs aimed at improving conditions in slums is to consider how to involve potential beneficiaries in the process. The awards Por Una Ciudad Mejor, created in 1998 by an alliance of foundations and NGOs, have taken a decisive step in the right direction at the time of fostering such involvement. Community organizations are asked to present innovative solutions to specific problems in their neighborhoods. Taking into consideration their ability to transform in a positive and innovative way their communities, three prizes are awarded, and ten proposals are given honorable mentions. In the current edition the first prize winner gets 13 million COP (about US$ 6,500), second prize amounts to 7 million COP (about US$ 3,500), and the third prize amounts to 5 million COP (about US$2,500). The award money is to be used by the organizations to fund the implementation of their proposals.

    Cali joined the initiative in 2006 (Bogotá, Buenaventura and Cartagena are the other cities were prizes are currently awarded). Success has been immediate for Cali: an average of 94 initiatives compete for the awards each year, a total of more than 600, and 24 prizes awarded since 2006. In 2012 winners in previous years were invited to participate in the “Cali Como Vamos, por una Cali Mejor” seminar, whose proceedings and recommendations were used in the elaboration of the Plan de Desarrollo de Cali 2012-2015, an official document where the main strategic lines of action by the city government are outlined. Thus a full circle was closed: an alliance of private organizations mobilize the communities to make innovative proposals which are later considered and even assumed by the local government to be applied elsewhere in the city.

    Among the award-winning initiatives mentioned in “Cali Como Vamos, por una Cali Mejor” is one proposed by the parents association at the school Institución Educativa Cacique Calarcá at Villa Carmelo. The association created educational food growth programs for the students and their families. The goal was to improve food safety while generating additional sources of income for the community. Another related proposal was made by Ecolprovys, a community organization in the Altos de Menga, comuna 1 and 18 areas. Ecoprolvys advocated the creation of a network of not-for-profit farms and urban composting posts in urban areas. These networks would help to alleviate nutritional deficiencies in the poorest neighborhoods, at the same time that allowed for the recycling of some organic waste.

    The Cali awards are sponsored by the Corona, Plan, Bolívar Davivienda, Alvaralice, and Carvajal foundations, the Sociedad Portuaria de Buenaventura, Funcicar, the Cali Chamber of Commercey, El Tiempo, El País, Noticiero 90 Minutos and the Corporación Universitaria Minuto de Dios. Even though the amount of money awarded is relatively small, it is sufficient to set the initiatives in motion. In addition, the awards give local organizations visibility, occasionally even at the national level. The number, size and name recognition of the sponsoring organizations also insures significant social repercussions. The participation of winning organizations in the formulation of public policy is also a strong incentive for these communities.

    If the slums can be considered as laboratories for urban innovation, there is no better way to promote and to insure the effectiveness of such innovation than to ask its inhabitants to propose ideas and then give them the means to implement them.

    Photo credit: David Alejandro Rendón

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    Menyelesaikan masalah banjir rutin (dan kemacetan jalan) bisa merupakan tes akhir bagi setiap gubernur Jakarta. Sejak hari pertama di kantornya Jokowi dan Ahok telah menjadikan penanganan banjir sebagai prioritas utama. Mereka sangat menyadari dampak banjir yang dapat mematikan dan membuat Jakarta menjadi lumpuh. Diantara berbagai cara mengurangi dampak banjir adalah mengembalikan fungsi dam dam yang semula merupakan daerah penampungan air. Baca lebih lanjut.

    Submitted by Riwanto Tirtosudarmo — Mon, 09/23/2013 – 14:42

    Solving the problem of regular flooding (and traffic jams) could be the litmus test of any governor of Jakarta. Since the first day in office, Jokowi and Ahok have given top priority to resolving this flooding problem. They are very aware that the impact of flooding could be lethal and paralyzing for Jakarta. Among many other ways to reduce the impact of flooding, they are restoring the dams that were originally designed to be water catchment areas. Read more.

    Submitted by Riwanto Tirtosudarmo — Mon, 09/23/2013 – 14:36

    Dharavi Redevelopment Plan (DRP) stands physically at the center of the city and metaphorically at the nexus of a debate over the future of redevelopment. On the one hand is the government’s grand scheme to join hands with private developers to rehouse the poor in free 225-square-foot flats, using the leftover space to construct luxury buildings that can be sold at market rates. Activists who stand opposed to this model say the DRP fails to acknowledge that the issue is more complex: the one-square kilometer is also home to thousands of small-scale businesses, often sharing spaces with residential plots. The mixed-use, low-rise settlement is a typology that many neighborhoods all over the world envy. Read more or join the discussion.

    Submitted by Carlin Carr — Mon, 09/23/2013 – 00:00

    La concesión de subsidios a las poblaciones más desfavorecidas, sobre todo en el ámbito de los servicios públicos, es un mecanismo ampliamente utilizado en América latina para combatir la fuerte desigualdad social. En Colombia se ha utilizado un mecanismo singular: la división de las ciudades en estratos. Esta idea, que se empezó a considerar en los años 80, se comenzó a aplicar en las grandes ciudades a partir de la aprobación en 1994 de la ley de Servicios Públicos. Aunque el marco legal es estatal, las ciudades tienen un amplio margen a la hora de escoger los criterios concretos para determinar la estratificación dentro de sus perímetros urbanos. Bogotá se dividió en 6 estratos, el máximo permitido por la ley. El estrato 6 refleja un mayor poder adquisitivo, y el 1 el menor poder adquisitivo de la ciudad. Los residentes de los estratos 5 y 6 pagan una sobretasa en los servicios públicos, que se utiliza para subsidiar, de forma decreciente, los costes de los servicios para los residentes en estratos 1 a 3. En el estrato 4 los residentes pagan el precio real de los servicios. También se aplica una sobretasa si se supera un volumen máximo establecido. Leer más o discutir.

    Subsidies are one of the most widely used tools in the fight against social inequality in Latin America. Utilities are often subsidized in one way or another. Colombia adopted a unique formula for the distribution of subsidies: the official stratification of housing. Under this system cities are legally divided in different layers or estratos (strata, in a literal translation). This idea originated in the 1980s, and was implemented with the enactment of the 1994 Ley de Servicios Publicos (a law regulating the utilities in Colombia). Under this law cities have considerable say in determining the specific criteria by which stratification is implemented. Bogotá was divided into six different layers, the maximum number allowed by law. Layer 6 represents the wealthiest areas in the city, while layer 1 represents the poorest sectors. Under the system, residents in layers 5 and 6 pay a surcharge in their utilities bill. This surcharge is used directly to subsidize the utilities to residents of layers 1, 2 and 3. Residents in layer 4 areas pay the real cost of the services. There is also a surcharge for heavy users of resources, to be paid once they reach their monthly maximum allowance. Read more or join the discussion.

    Submitted by Jorge Bela — Mon, 09/23/2013 – 00:00

    A discussão desta semana sobre processos de mapeamento destaca o trabalho de Curitiba e sua metodologia de mapeio das comunidades beneficiadas pelos programas de melhoria de bairros. Aquele processo está liderado principalmente pelo governo local; as comunidades participam também mais com um papel de verificação de informação e apresentação de sugestões. Para algumas pessoas esta é uma abordagem de “cima para baixo”; para outras, existe um valor importante no amplo conhecimento das comunidades carentes por parte da Prefeitura e do papel fundamental dos assistentes sociais nas comunidades. Qual é sua opinião? Leia mais o discutir.

    This week’s discussion of mapping practices will focus on Curitiba and the way it conducts the mapping of communities for neighborhood upgrading interventions. The mapping process is led by the local government and involves the communities, mostly for verification of information and to address their main needs. Some may see this as a “top down approach”; others see the value added in the governments’ adequate knowledge of communities and the key role of social workers. We welcome your thoughts on this issue — please join the conversation. Read more or join the discussion.

    Submitted by Catalina Gomez — Mon, 09/23/2013 – 00:00

    Today at least two trajectories in contemporary mapping practices can be identified in South Africa (SA). The first is a ‘quantitative’ mapping (i.e. mapping more), necessitated by the scale and complexity of the modern city. The second — and less mainstream — trajectory is ‘qualitative’, engaging lived realities and needs on the ground rather than at a distance. Read more or join the discussion.

    Submitted by Tariq Toffa — Mon, 09/23/2013 – 00:00

    El mapeo comunitario acerca a las personas a su entorno para conocer su historia, necesidades y las propias narrativas de la comunidad para incidir en su desarrollo. En este sentido, el departamento de Ciencias del Comportamiento y del Desarrollo de la Universidad de las Américas> en la Ciudad de México, desarrolló un mapeo comunitario para identificar la incidencia del entorno en la comunidad de Nezahualcóyotl, basado en la teoría ecológica de Urie Bronfenbrenner, quien sustenta que los sistemas y el ambiente local influyen el cambio de conducta en el sujeto y esto a su vez en el cambio de desarrollo en el entorno. Este estudio, realizado por Suzette Aglot, describió el proceso relacional entre el sujeto y la comunidad de San Agustín Atlapulco, y definió los factores que hacen vulnerable a esta comunidad. Así mismo, de acuerdo a la autora, una de las herramientas del análisis de la salud comunitaria es el proceso de mapeo ecológico social. Este proceso intenta representar las interrelaciones entre condiciones y eventos que tienen lugar en el ambiente inmediato del individuo (v.gr., la casa, la familia, y los amigos), así como en ambientes más amplios y distantes (v.gr., el trabajo, la escuela, los hospitales y la distribución de bienes y servicios del que toma parte). Leer más o discutir.

    Community mapping brings people closer to their environment to understand its history, needs, and development. The Department of Social and Developmental Sciences of the Universidad de las Américas of Mexico City developed a community mapping project based on Urie Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory to identify the impact of the environment in the Nezahuacóyotl community. Bronfenbrenner’s theory states that systems and the local environment influence the subject’s change in behavior, which in turn changes the development of the environment. Suzette Aglot conducted a study in San Agustín Atlapulco, located in Nezahualcóyotl, to describe this process between the subject and the community, as well as the factors that make the community vulnerable. According to Aglot, the process of social ecological mapping is a tool of community health analysis. This process attempts to represent the interrelations between conditions and events that take place in the immediate environment of the individual (e.g., home, family and friends), as well as in broad and distant environments (e.g., work, school, hospitals). Read more or discuss.

    Submitted by Maria Fernanda Carvallo — Mon, 09/23/2013 – 00:00


    منصة المبادرات العمرانية بالقاهرة، موقع أطلقه مختبر عمران القاهرة للتصميم والدراسات “كِلَسّتَر” مؤخراً باللغتين العربية والإنجليزية، “تضم المنصة مبادرات متعددة في الهندسة المعماريّة والفنون والتنمية العمرانيّة والمبادرات الحقوقية وتلك متعددة التخصصات التي تتناول موضوعات تتعلّق بالمدينة والبيئة العمرانيّة والمساحات العامّة في القاهرة.” عبر استخدام خريطة تفاعلية تتيح للمستخدمين إضافة مبادرات جديدة كنوع من الخرائط التعاونية.

    The Cairo Urban Initiatives Platform (CUIP) is a newly-launched bilingual Arabic/English online platform produced by the Cairo Lab for Urban Studies, Training and Environmental Research (CLUSTER). It “includes the multiple architecture, art, advocacy, urban development, and interdisciplinary initiatives addressing issues related to the city, the urban environment and public space in Cairo,” and uses an interactive map that allows users to list new initiatives in a crowdmapping project. Read more or join the discussion.

    Submitted by Mohamed Adel — Mon, 09/23/2013 – 00:00

    As manifestações promovidas pelos brasileiros no mês de Junho repercutiram em todo o mundo. “Acordamos” diziam os cartazes. Com o desejo de ter maior participação nas decisões de políticas públicas e contra algumas medidas realizadas no âmbito municipal, estadual e nacional, os jovens mostraram sua indignação com o poder público brasileiro. Leia mais.

    The Brazilian protests in June were broadcast worldwide. “We have awoken” was written on posters. In search of a stronger voice on the decisions of public policies and against some measures taken by the government (city, state and federal), the youth showed their resentment. Read more.

    Submitted by Editor — Tue, 09/17/2013 – 00:00

    Many rural traditions and customs carry over into urban life for India’s migrant communities. Local festivals, artisanal expertise, and languages turn Mumbai’s slums into vibrantly diverse amalgamations of India’s villages. The city also offers greater freedom from the strict caste structures of rural areas, and the role and freedoms of women in Mumbai’s slums often change as well. In fact, the autonomy that women gain as they move from rural to urban India provides insights into their healthcare choices, especially when it comes to reproductive care. Read more or join the discussion.

    Submitted by Carlin Carr — Mon, 09/16/2013 – 00:00

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    Jorge Bela, Bogotá Community Manager

    Bogota’s historic center is spectacular. Beautiful and surprisingly well-preserved colonial buildings flank the narrow, cobbled streets. At the end of the steep ascent one can see the Cerros Orientales, the imposing mountains that rise abruptly 600 meters above the city. This sight is unusual in a city that, despite being located in the Andean range, tends to focus its attention on the flat savanna where most of its urban sprawl is located. Unfortunately, the historic district has suffered from gradual but steady decay during the last few decades. The main colonial and republican landmark buildings are generally well maintained, but most of the area suffers from problems such as severe lack of economic development, crime, near total lack of green spaces, degradation of low-income homes, and strong social inequality.

    In order to reverse this decay, the City of Bogotá, through its Instituto Distrital de Patrimonio Cultural (IDPC, the local government branch dedicated to the preservation of the City’s historic heritage), is in the final stages of the elaboration of the Plan de Revitalización del Centro Tradicional (PRCT, meaning “Plan to Revitalize the Traditional Center”). This plan encompasses not only the colonial district, but the entire area of the consolidated city as of 1920, a total of 471 hectares. For about a year, the Institute has been seeking the advice of experts and has involved the affected communities in the dialogue. Bogotá is not alone in this process: many other Latin American cities have faced similar issues with their historic districts. The IDPC has therefore been able to explore other successful solutions adopted in neighboring countries. Experts from Lima, Guatemala and Bahía dos Santos (Brazil) have already been consulted. But this is not only a one-way street: Bogotá has been invited to participate in the 4th Cultural Landscape conference, organized by the Peruvian cultural ministry, to be held in Lima in December 2013. The IDPC is also seeking technical and financial support from the Inter-American Development Bank.

    There are many reasons behind the need for cooperation between cities at the regional level, says Miguel Hincapíe, deputy director of the IPDC. Quito, for instance, undertook a very successful historic center rehabilitation project. And they were able to do so while keeping 70 percent of the original population. This is not a small feat, since generally, when funds start to flow into derelict colonial areas, gentrification rapidly ensues. “Traditional inhabitants constitute the life of a neighborhood,” added Miguel Hincapié. It is also important to seek models that allow for continuity despite political change. Mayors in Colombia are limited to one four-year term (re-election is allowed in non-consecutive terms, but it is exceedingly rare). It is clear that four years are not enough to undertake reforms such as those needed by Bogotá’s city center. Since in Europe and the US, term restrictions are either less severe or do not exist, it is necessary to find models in cities with similar political constraints, mostly in the same region.

    The PRVCT includes a structure of independent and differentiated programs, each with a manager, under a model of public and private financing. This scheme allows for proper distribution of resources, mitigating the effects of political change. Among the urgent actions identified in the plan are the development of a housing program, the creation of a subsidy system for current inhabitants, and the signing of agreements geared to rehabilitating cultural and historical landmarks.

    Latin America offers excellent examples of historical centers’ rehabilitation. Lima and Quito, both widely considered to be very successful, are in the same Andean region as the Colombian capital. Bogotá is showing foresight in seeking cooperation with its neighboring cities as it prepares its own conservation and rehabilitation plan.

    Photo credit: Pedro Szekely

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    Africa’s slums are growing at twice the rate of its cities. By some accounts, sub-Saharan Africa will have upwards of 332 million slum dwellers by 2015. While millions of dollars have been spent improving the conditions in Africa’s urban informal settlements and the lives of the people who live therein, overall these efforts have amounted to little more than a drop in the ocean. Join our six panelists to explore the options for stemming the growth of these sprawling settlements and improving conditions in those slums that already exist: Irene Karanja of Muungano Support Trust (SDI) (Kenya); Claudio Torres of the UN-HABITAT Participatory Slum Upgrading Unit (PSUP) (Kenya); architect, urban planner, and World Bank Municipal Development Program consultant Sara Candiracci (Mozambique); Aditya Kumar of the Community Organization Resource Centre (CORC) (SDI) (South Africa); Jhono Bennett of the University of Johannesburg (South Africa); and Marie Huchzermeyer of the University of the Witwatersrand (South Africa).

    Click on the pictures of the panelists to see each panelist’s perspective below.

    Executive Director of Muungano Support Trust, a secretariat of the Shack/Slum Dwellers International Federation (SDI) (Kenya)

    Over the last 25 years, slum dwellers from cities in Africa have successfully mobilized into collections of Federations of the Urban Poor.

    These federations have collected their own financial resources in the form of savings and data pools, creating citywide profiles and extensive slum censuses. Unknown to the world, slum federations have managed to produce a large volume of documented knowledge about themselves that has transformed how the government delivers important services to its poor citizens and how financial instruments can be innovated by financial institutions to serve the needs of the poor.

    Using data collected from the profiles and censuses, Muungano Support Trust, a local NGO working with the federation of Kenya, has provided advisory services to the Government of Kenya and the World Bank, in order to help them intervene and provide housing solutions to over 10,000 families in the Kibera and Mukuru areas of Nairobi.

    The trust has also worked with university planning schools from the local and international academia community to influence how transforming planning discourse can untrap informal human settlements from the snares of historically rigid city planning standards.

    The private sector has grand opportunities to turn urban poor communities into important players within the city. Financial resources from the poor are beginning to challenge and put pressure on the private sector to innovate solutions. Federations have interventions that are facilitating this to happen.

    Data collected by communities with the support and technical capacity of organizations such as Muungano Support Trust, shows that there is a missing link that government interventions are not able to fill and development assistance is failing to cover.

    Insecurity of tenure remains one of the biggest challenges to improving the lives of slum dwellers in Nairobi. The government needs to release land for human settlement, whether it be public, private, or contested. If this does not happen, development aid will continue to subsidize the costs required for technical services to innovate various kinds of solutions for what are essentially locked scenarios!

    Irene Karanja is the founding Executive Director of Muungano Support Trust (MuST), a secretariat of the Slum/Shack Dwellers Federation in Kenya. She is a specialist in participatory research, community organizing and capacity building for the urban poor. For over six years, she has transformed the use of participatory techniques for data collection into a major instrument for planning the upgrading of slums. She has organized a strong constituency of slum dwellers to assume leadership of these settlements through savings groups, housing cooperatives and women’s associations.

    Architect, UN-HABITAT Participatory Slum Upgrading Programme (PSUP) (Kenya)

    African countries represent the majority of the least developed countries (LCD). Taking into account the fact that in most of these countries, the urban population growth is expanding at a faster pace than the national one, it is important to make three considerations in answering the question: “What will it take to make slum upgrading work in African urban centres?”

    Governments should be prepared to ‘give away’. National and local governments should weigh out the costs and risks of perpetuating the status quo and should fulfill the right of adequate housing for all at a pace that copes with the increase in poor urban households. They should prioritise, for example, the free provision of land for the urban poor, in the understanding that there will be no real estate profit and that no particular individual will benefit — a challenging task in a context where African post-independence elites have generally improved their own lives with little regard to equity and social justice.

    Strategies for the provision of adequate housing for the urban poor should go beyond market logic. In trying to come up with housing strategies that appeal to investors, the focus has shifted from the upgrading of the slum dwellers’ living conditions to the beautification of particularly degraded areas. This unchaining of a series of transaction costs results in a gentrification process that relocates the problem without giving it a solution. Slum upgrading strategies should strictly be conceived through a human rights approach.

    Adequate housing strategies should trigger self-relief dynamics in overcoming poverty. The problem of urban poverty is too big to miss the opportunity to engage concerned communities in devising its solution. The Latin-American slum upgrading experience has demonstrated that giving the right initial impulse to poor urban communities actually encourages a progressive and proactive self-upgrading attitude in slum residents, reducing the need for government funds to improve the living conditions of the urban poor. A strong involvement of the community can also help to reduce the risk of benefiting the wrong people, a common shortfall in superficially planned slum upgrading interventions.

    Claudio Torres is an architect with 10 years experience in the field of slum upgrading and housing in an African context. His work has taken him from the slums of Nairobi to settlements in Somaliland and South Sudan where he has worked as an architect, monitoring and evaluation expert, project manager, and construction expert. Torres has worked extensively in Nairobi’s Mathare valley slum with the Italian NGO COOPI, helping to set up an office in the field from which he coordinated a series of different programs. He is currently a consultant for the Participatory Slum Upgrading Program (PSUP), a division of UN-Habitat.

    Architect, Urban Planner and Consultant, World Bank Municipal Development Program (Mozambique)

    Urbanization in Africa is growing and national governments and local authorities are faced with the challenge of guiding cities’ growth while dealing with other constraints, including limited financial resources; weak institutional, management, and technical capacities; lack of proper urban policies and financial mechanisms to mobilize and regulate investments.

    To strengthen the ability of African cities to generate wealth, prosperity, and economic and human development, national governments and local authorities need to define a clear vision for the future of their cities and their informal settlements.

    Cities must be seen and treated as complex organisms whose elements are interconnected. Informal settlements should be seen as an integral part of this organism, and not as a “sick body” to be fought. They constitute a precious resource for the city and its population and must be included in the urban grid.

    Each and every stakeholder, whether it be the national government, local authorities, civil society, the community, the private sector, or the donor community, have a role to play and must be partners in the development and implementation of this vision for the city. In particular, the active participation of the local community is essential in finding lasting solutions, and to guarantee ownership and sustainability, social cohesion, and integration.

    The implementation of comprehensive and integrated improvement plans in informal areas would be ideal; however, it takes a long time and requires considerable financial resources. Considering the constraints in local financial and institutional capabilities, it is preferable to adopt an incremental approach, whereby small-scale interventions are first envisioned and planned in an extensive development plan, and then are carried out gradually through community participation.

    Priority must be given to the improvement and provision of infrastructure, basic services, accessibility, safety, and the creation of economic opportunities. Concurrently, special attention should be given to outdoor public spaces, where a vital part of the community’s social, cultural, and economic activities is conducted. Improving these spaces would improve the framework of daily life and bring dignity, beauty, and utility to informal and poor areas with minimal resources.

    Sara Candiracci is an architect and urban planner with 10 years experience in the design, management, and implementation of several urban planning and slum upgrading projects in Latin America and Africa with different organizations including UN-Habitat, the Inter-American Development Bank, and various NGOs. She is now working at the Municipality of Maputo, Mozambique, as Urban Planning Advisor for the World Bank Municipal Development Program. She is also conducting her PhD research on the potential use of urban cultural heritage in urban regeneration and planning, considering Maputo as case of study.

    Deputy Director, Community Organisation Resource Centre (CORC), an affiliate of Shack/Slum Dwellers International (South Africa)

    Over the last 20 years, the South African government has been hailed as having the most progressive housing and poverty policy environments in the continent. Besides making welfare grants available to previously marginalized communities, it has made provisions to provide housing to any citizen earning under R3,500 ($350)/month.

    Although more than 2.3 million subsidized homes have been built across the country, the impacts of the housing policy have fallen short. Informal settlements have gone up by 900 percent (from 300 to 2,700) while there are an estimated 2.1 million people on the waiting list for state-subsidized housing.

    Realizing the constraints of the housing program, the State has rapidly shifted its emphasis to informal settlement upgrading. New regulatory frameworks like Outcome 8 have been developed to allow for provision of basic services and tenure rights.

    While the aims of Outcome 8 and its aligned policies have been well defined, in my view there are still gaps in addressing the bigger issues. Firstly, how incremental informal settlement upgrading is implemented must be defined: are we trying to address tenure rights or basic services, land or housing, dependency on the state or self-reliance through livelihoods? Secondly, there is the manner in which informal settlement upgrading is being rolled out. Currently it doesn’t account for strong community, civil society, and NGO participation, nor does it address the broader issue of project finance, outsourcing, and party politics.

    The process of upgrading is about learning and letting go, about making space for communities to innovate with the state, about creating a city-wide network/movement that can change the spatial patterns of the city and strengthen citizenship.

    Aditya Kumar is the technical coordinator and deputy director for the Community Organization Resource Centre (CORC), affiliated to Shack/Slum Dwellers International, currently working with informal settlement and backyarder dwellers of South Africa. His previous experience has included post-war reconstruction of Palestinian refugee camps (Lebanon), post-earthquake disaster housing reconstruction (India), affordable and social housing and large urban development projects (Los Angeles and Boston). His work has fostered multi-stakeholder partnerships between local communities, CBOs, government bodies, academic institutions, and International NGOs, with a key focus on strengthening community-driven design, planning, and implementation. The reconstruction of Palestinian refugee camps has also been shortlisted for the Aga Khan Award for Architecture.

    Architect and Lecturer and Researcher, University of Johannesburg

    The National Development Plan’s Outcome 8 agreement is behind the South African government’s current shift towards in situ housing upgrading as a means of redevelopment. This goal of upgrading 400,000 informal settlements has been developed under the mandate of the National Upgrade Support Program.

    Large-scale construction consortiums are working alongside the government, in collaboration with various planning, architectural, and non-governmental entities on the current Reconstruction & Development Program.

    While these initiatives are creating an institutional framework to begin addressing the needs of informal settlement residents in South Africa, there is little focus across the board on training effective practitioners who can play crucial intermediary roles not only in informal settlement upgrading but also in the nation’s spatial redevelopment.

    From my experience in this field, it seems that there are a disproportionately small number of practitioners who have the understanding, experience, or empathy required to engage with the dynamics of informal settlement communities and the complexity of working within the social, economic, and political intricacy that exists between grassroots entities and government structures.

    A major factor for this condition is related to the lack of opportunities for spatial design practitioners (engineers, architects, planners, etc), to be exposed to these complex environments. As a result, many ‘professionals’, as well as many government officials, often display dangerously simplistic views on how to ‘fix’ the problems at hand.

    From my work and experience in academia and the NGO sector, I believe that empathetic spatial design practitioners hold the key position to engage effectively at the ‘community’ level while addressing the larger spatial inequalities of post-apartheid South Africa.

    My aim lies in understanding and sharing contextually appropriate training, practice, and precedents through critical engagement with South Africa’s residents of poor and unsafe living conditions in order to further develop this ‘additional role’ for socio-technical spatial design practice.

    Jhono Bennett is an architect who works at the University of Johannesburg as a part-time lecturer and Independent researcher, while managing the operations of 1:1 — Agency of Engagement, a non-profit entity which he co-founded to provide a design-based collaborative service between grassroots organizations, professionals, academia, and government.

    Masters Program in Housing at the School of Architecture and Planning at the University of the Witwatersrand (South Africa)

    Internationally, there has been unprecedented focus on ‘slums’ in the new millennium. In southern African cities, informal settlements are certainly a concern, although in Anglophone countries the legacy of British colonial planning has to some extent kept these settlements out of middle-class sight. Where informal settlements have intruded into visible locations, as for instance in Lusophone Luanda, recent efforts have been made to remove these to the city periphery. In South Africa, a somewhat reverse government discourse targeted ‘visible’ informal settlements for ‘in situ upgrading’. This approach was adopted by the high profile N2 Gateway Project in Cape Town, which originally targeted all informal settlements that lined the motorway from the airport to the historical city centre for upgrading. In the years that followed, this project morphed into the Luandan approach — the removal of visible informal settlements. In the Cape Town case, removal was to a controlled decanting camp on the far side of the airport. Yet the public was told that the commitment remained to ‘in situ upgrading’. The term was simply given a new meaning, namely for the state to demolish and then build new housing to modern standard for a different clientele.

    With this juxtaposition of informal settlement treatment in Angola and South Africa, I’d like to provoke debate on the core meaning of ‘informal settlement upgrading’ as well as the political uses associated to the meaning. For me, the essence of in situ upgrading is the recognition of two important points. One is that the unevenly developing economies in southern Africa, in the absence of radical change, will not facilitate the replacement of all informal settlements with planned and fully serviced residential developments for the households currently in these settlements. This recognition prevents ‘wishing away’ the reality of urban informality. The other is that informal settlements result out of determination, initiative (often collective), creativity, and complex decisions by poor households. These must be respected and supported where possible.

    Marie Huchzermeyer convenes and teaches in the masters programme in Housing at the School of Architecture and Planning at the University of the Witwatersrand. This base has allowed her to provide support to rights-based struggles from within informal settlement for ‘real’ in situ upgrading. Her recent work includes a 2011 book “Cities With ‘Slums’: From Informal Settlement Eradication to a Right to the City in Africa,” and a comparison with Brazil in a 2004 book, “Unlawful Occupation: Informal Settlements and Urban Policy in South Africa and Brazil.”

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    Africa’s slums are growing at twice the rate of its cities. By some accounts, sub-Saharan Africa will have upwards of 332 million slum dwellers by 2015. While millions of dollars have been spent improving the conditions in Africa’s urban informal settlements and the lives of the people who live therein, overall these efforts have amounted to little more than a drop in the ocean. Join our six panelists to explore the options for stemming the growth of these sprawling settlements and improving conditions in those slums that already exist: Irene Karanja of Muungano Support Trust (SDI) (Kenya); Claudio Torres of the UN-HABITAT Participatory Slum Upgrading Unit (PSUP) (Kenya); architect, urban planner, and World Bank Municipal Development Program consultant Sara Candiracci (Mozambique); Aditya Kumar of the Community Organization Resource Centre (CORC) (SDI) (South Africa); Jhono Bennett of the University of Johannesburg (South Africa); and Marie Huchzermeyer of the University of the Witwatersrand (South Africa).

    Click on the pictures of the panelists to see each panelist’s perspective below.

    Executive Director of Muungano Support Trust, a secretariat of the Shack/Slum Dwellers International Federation (SDI) (Kenya)

    Over the last 25 years, slum dwellers from cities in Africa have successfully mobilized into collections of Federations of the Urban Poor.

    These federations have collected their own financial resources in the form of savings and data pools, creating citywide profiles and extensive slum censuses. Unknown to the world, slum federations have managed to produce a large volume of documented knowledge about themselves that has transformed how the government delivers important services to its poor citizens and how financial instruments can be innovated by financial institutions to serve the needs of the poor.

    Using data collected from the profiles and censuses, Muungano Support Trust, a local NGO working with the federation of Kenya, has provided advisory services to the Government of Kenya and the World Bank, in order to help them intervene and provide housing solutions to over 10,000 families in the Kibera and Mukuru areas of Nairobi.

    The trust has also worked with university planning schools from the local and international academia community to influence how transforming planning discourse can untrap informal human settlements from the snares of historically rigid city planning standards.

    The private sector has grand opportunities to turn urban poor communities into important players within the city. Financial resources from the poor are beginning to challenge and put pressure on the private sector to innovate solutions. Federations have interventions that are facilitating this to happen.

    Data collected by communities with the support and technical capacity of organizations such as Muungano Support Trust, shows that there is a missing link that government interventions are not able to fill and development assistance is failing to cover.

    Insecurity of tenure remains one of the biggest challenges to improving the lives of slum dwellers in Nairobi. The government needs to release land for human settlement, whether it be public, private, or contested. If this does not happen, development aid will continue to subsidize the costs required for technical services to innovate various kinds of solutions for what are essentially locked scenarios!

    Irene Karanja is the founding Executive Director of Muungano Support Trust (MuST), a secretariat of the Slum/Shack Dwellers Federation in Kenya. She is a specialist in participatory research, community organizing and capacity building for the urban poor. For over six years, she has transformed the use of participatory techniques for data collection into a major instrument for planning the upgrading of slums. She has organized a strong constituency of slum dwellers to assume leadership of these settlements through savings groups, housing cooperatives and women’s associations.

    Architect, UN-HABITAT Participatory Slum Upgrading Programme (PSUP) (Kenya)

    African countries represent the majority of the least developed countries (LCD). Taking into account the fact that in most of these countries, the urban population growth is expanding at a faster pace than the national one, it is important to make three considerations in answering the question: “What will it take to make slum upgrading work in African urban centres?”

    Governments should be prepared to ‘give away’. National and local governments should weigh out the costs and risks of perpetuating the status quo and should fulfill the right of adequate housing for all at a pace that copes with the increase in poor urban households. They should prioritise, for example, the free provision of land for the urban poor, in the understanding that there will be no real estate profit and that no particular individual will benefit — a challenging task in a context where African post-independence elites have generally improved their own lives with little regard to equity and social justice.

    Strategies for the provision of adequate housing for the urban poor should go beyond market logic. In trying to come up with housing strategies that appeal to investors, the focus has shifted from the upgrading of the slum dwellers’ living conditions to the beautification of particularly degraded areas. This unchaining of a series of transaction costs results in a gentrification process that relocates the problem without giving it a solution. Slum upgrading strategies should strictly be conceived through a human rights approach.

    Adequate housing strategies should trigger self-relief dynamics in overcoming poverty. The problem of urban poverty is too big to miss the opportunity to engage concerned communities in devising its solution. The Latin-American slum upgrading experience has demonstrated that giving the right initial impulse to poor urban communities actually encourages a progressive and proactive self-upgrading attitude in slum residents, reducing the need for government funds to improve the living conditions of the urban poor. A strong involvement of the community can also help to reduce the risk of benefiting the wrong people, a common shortfall in superficially planned slum upgrading interventions.

    Claudio Torres is an architect with 10 years experience in the field of slum upgrading and housing in an African context. His work has taken him from the slums of Nairobi to settlements in Somaliland and South Sudan where he has worked as an architect, monitoring and evaluation expert, project manager, and construction expert. Torres has worked extensively in Nairobi’s Mathare valley slum with the Italian NGO COOPI, helping to set up an office in the field from which he coordinated a series of different programs. He is currently a consultant for the Participatory Slum Upgrading Program (PSUP), a division of UN-Habitat.

    Architect, Urban Planner and Consultant, World Bank Municipal Development Program (Mozambique)

    Urbanization in Africa is growing and national governments and local authorities are faced with the challenge of guiding cities’ growth while dealing with other constraints, including limited financial resources; weak institutional, management, and technical capacities; lack of proper urban policies and financial mechanisms to mobilize and regulate investments.

    To strengthen the ability of African cities to generate wealth, prosperity, and economic and human development, national governments and local authorities need to define a clear vision for the future of their cities and their informal settlements.

    Cities must be seen and treated as complex organisms whose elements are interconnected. Informal settlements should be seen as an integral part of this organism, and not as a “sick body” to be fought. They constitute a precious resource for the city and its population and must be included in the urban grid.

    Each and every stakeholder, whether it be the national government, local authorities, civil society, the community, the private sector, or the donor community, have a role to play and must be partners in the development and implementation of this vision for the city. In particular, the active participation of the local community is essential in finding lasting solutions, and to guarantee ownership and sustainability, social cohesion, and integration.

    The implementation of comprehensive and integrated improvement plans in informal areas would be ideal; however, it takes a long time and requires considerable financial resources. Considering the constraints in local financial and institutional capabilities, it is preferable to adopt an incremental approach, whereby small-scale interventions are first envisioned and planned in an extensive development plan, and then are carried out gradually through community participation.

    Priority must be given to the improvement and provision of infrastructure, basic services, accessibility, safety, and the creation of economic opportunities. Concurrently, special attention should be given to outdoor public spaces, where a vital part of the community’s social, cultural, and economic activities is conducted. Improving these spaces would improve the framework of daily life and bring dignity, beauty, and utility to informal and poor areas with minimal resources.

    Sara Candiracci is an architect and urban planner with 10 years experience in the design, management, and implementation of several urban planning and slum upgrading projects in Latin America and Africa with different organizations including UN-Habitat, the Inter-American Development Bank, and various NGOs. She is now working at the Municipality of Maputo, Mozambique, as Urban Planning Advisor for the World Bank Municipal Development Program. She is also conducting her PhD research on the potential use of urban cultural heritage in urban regeneration and planning, considering Maputo as case of study.

    Deputy Director, Community Organisation Resource Centre (CORC), an affiliate of Shack/Slum Dwellers International (South Africa)

    Over the last 20 years, the South African government has been hailed as having the most progressive housing and poverty policy environments in the continent. Besides making welfare grants available to previously marginalized communities, it has made provisions to provide housing to any citizen earning under R3,500 ($350)/month.

    Although more than 2.3 million subsidized homes have been built across the country, the impacts of the housing policy have fallen short. Informal settlements have gone up by 900 percent (from 300 to 2,700) while there are an estimated 2.1 million people on the waiting list for state-subsidized housing.

    Realizing the constraints of the housing program, the State has rapidly shifted its emphasis to informal settlement upgrading. New regulatory frameworks like Outcome 8 have been developed to allow for provision of basic services and tenure rights.

    While the aims of Outcome 8 and its aligned policies have been well defined, in my view there are still gaps in addressing the bigger issues. Firstly, how incremental informal settlement upgrading is implemented must be defined: are we trying to address tenure rights or basic services, land or housing, dependency on the state or self-reliance through livelihoods? Secondly, there is the manner in which informal settlement upgrading is being rolled out. Currently it doesn’t account for strong community, civil society, and NGO participation, nor does it address the broader issue of project finance, outsourcing, and party politics.

    The process of upgrading is about learning and letting go, about making space for communities to innovate with the state, about creating a city-wide network/movement that can change the spatial patterns of the city and strengthen citizenship.

    Aditya Kumar is the technical coordinator and deputy director for the Community Organization Resource Centre (CORC), affiliated to Shack/Slum Dwellers International, currently working with informal settlement and backyarder dwellers of South Africa. His previous experience has included post-war reconstruction of Palestinian refugee camps (Lebanon), post-earthquake disaster housing reconstruction (India), affordable and social housing and large urban development projects (Los Angeles and Boston). His work has fostered multi-stakeholder partnerships between local communities, CBOs, government bodies, academic institutions, and International NGOs, with a key focus on strengthening community-driven design, planning, and implementation. The reconstruction of Palestinian refugee camps has also been shortlisted for the Aga Khan Award for Architecture.

    Architect and Lecturer and Researcher, University of Johannesburg

    The National Development Plan’s Outcome 8 agreement is behind the South African government’s current shift towards in situ housing upgrading as a means of redevelopment. This goal of upgrading 400,000 informal settlements has been developed under the mandate of the National Upgrade Support Program.

    Large-scale construction consortiums are working alongside the government, in collaboration with various planning, architectural, and non-governmental entities on the current Reconstruction & Development Program.

    While these initiatives are creating an institutional framework to begin addressing the needs of informal settlement residents in South Africa, there is little focus across the board on training effective practitioners who can play crucial intermediary roles not only in informal settlement upgrading but also in the nation’s spatial redevelopment.

    From my experience in this field, it seems that there are a disproportionately small number of practitioners who have the understanding, experience, or empathy required to engage with the dynamics of informal settlement communities and the complexity of working within the social, economic, and political intricacy that exists between grassroots entities and government structures.

    A major factor for this condition is related to the lack of opportunities for spatial design practitioners (engineers, architects, planners, etc), to be exposed to these complex environments. As a result, many ‘professionals’, as well as many government officials, often display dangerously simplistic views on how to ‘fix’ the problems at hand.

    From my work and experience in academia and the NGO sector, I believe that empathetic spatial design practitioners hold the key position to engage effectively at the ‘community’ level while addressing the larger spatial inequalities of post-apartheid South Africa.

    My aim lies in understanding and sharing contextually appropriate training, practice, and precedents through critical engagement with South Africa’s residents of poor and unsafe living conditions in order to further develop this ‘additional role’ for socio-technical spatial design practice.

    Jhono Bennett is an architect who works at the University of Johannesburg as a part-time lecturer and Independent researcher, while managing the operations of 1:1 — Agency of Engagement, a non-profit entity which he co-founded to provide a design-based collaborative service between grassroots organizations, professionals, academia, and government.

    Masters Program in Housing at the School of Architecture and Planning at the University of the Witwatersrand (South Africa)

    Internationally, there has been unprecedented focus on ‘slums’ in the new millennium. In southern African cities, informal settlements are certainly a concern, although in Anglophone countries the legacy of British colonial planning has to some extent kept these settlements out of middle-class sight. Where informal settlements have intruded into visible locations, as for instance in Lusophone Luanda, recent efforts have been made to remove these to the city periphery. In South Africa, a somewhat reverse government discourse targeted ‘visible’ informal settlements for ‘in situ upgrading’. This approach was adopted by the high profile N2 Gateway Project in Cape Town, which originally targeted all informal settlements that lined the motorway from the airport to the historical city centre for upgrading. In the years that followed, this project morphed into the Luandan approach — the removal of visible informal settlements. In the Cape Town case, removal was to a controlled decanting camp on the far side of the airport. Yet the public was told that the commitment remained to ‘in situ upgrading’. The term was simply given a new meaning, namely for the state to demolish and then build new housing to modern standard for a different clientele.

    With this juxtaposition of informal settlement treatment in Angola and South Africa, I’d like to provoke debate on the core meaning of ‘informal settlement upgrading’ as well as the political uses associated to the meaning. For me, the essence of in situ upgrading is the recognition of two important points. One is that the unevenly developing economies in southern Africa, in the absence of radical change, will not facilitate the replacement of all informal settlements with planned and fully serviced residential developments for the households currently in these settlements. This recognition prevents ‘wishing away’ the reality of urban informality. The other is that informal settlements result out of determination, initiative (often collective), creativity, and complex decisions by poor households. These must be respected and supported where possible.

    Marie Huchzermeyer convenes and teaches in the masters programme in Housing at the School of Architecture and Planning at the University of the Witwatersrand. This base has allowed her to provide support to rights-based struggles from within informal settlement for ‘real’ in situ upgrading. Her recent work includes a 2011 book “Cities With ‘Slums’: From Informal Settlement Eradication to a Right to the City in Africa,” and a comparison with Brazil in a 2004 book, “Unlawful Occupation: Informal Settlements and Urban Policy in South Africa and Brazil.”

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    Tentu kita masih ingat mengenai proses normalisasi waduk pluit yang dilakukan beberapa bulan lalu dan sempat menuai banyak protes dari warga setempat. Namun proses normalisasi waduk tersebut tetap terus dilakukan oleh Pemerintah daerah DKI Jakarta dengan tujuan mengembalikan fungsi waduk seperti semula yaitu tempat penampungan air. Bantaran waduk yang dulu menjadi tempat pembuangan sampah dan pemukiman kumuh, kini menunjukkan penampilan yang berbeda.

    Saat ini sebagian bantaran waduk telah berubah menjadi taman dengan pepohonan yang tertata rapi. Taman seluas 5 hektar tersebut berada di sisi barat Waduk Pluit. Berbagai pohon yang ada di taman merupakan hasil sumbangan dari berbagai perusahaan swasta. Ada lebih dari 12 jenis pohon yang ditanam di sana, semuanya tanaman khas pesisir, misalnya pohon anggur laut (Coccoloba uvifera), kalpataru/keben (Barringtonia asiatica), trembesi (Samanea saman), dan ficus daun kecil (Ficus lyrata). Ada pula pohon jati (Tectona grandis) yang berjejer dan tumbuh lebih dari tiga tahun dengan tinggi tak kurang dari 5 meter.

    Pohon-pohon itu ditanam cara selang-seling dengan jarak ideal. Pohon itu ditanam di kanan-kiri jalan beton selebar 3,5 meter untuk jalan inspeksi. Selain pohon, untuk mempercanti, bangku taman juga sudah terpasang disekitar taman. Bangku tersebut sama seperti yang terpasang di sepanjang Jalan Sudirman dan Jalan Thamrin, yang merupakan sumbangan dari pengusaha asal Solo.

    Penataan taman tersebut merupakan tahap awal dimulainya pembangunan di sekitar bantaran Waduk Pluit. Selain taman, Pemprov DKI Jakarta juga berencana membangun penyulingan air bersih, tempat pemancingan, serta kawasan rekreasi.

    Taman Waduk Pluit diresmikan oleh Gubernur DKI Jakarta Joko Widodo tepat pada hari kemerdekaan RI yaitu tanggal 17 Agustus 2013 yang lalu. Warga sekitar waduk menyambut gembira keberadaan taman ini, selain karena penampilannya merubah wajah Waduk Pluit yang dahulu kumuh menjadi lebih indah, taman ini juga merupakan ruang terbuka publik yang saat ini masih sangat jarang ditemui di ibukota Jakarta. Konsep taman yang memungkinkan warga berkumpul dan bersantai tentunya sangat dirindukan warga karena Jakarta saat ini penuh dengan mall dan pusat perbelanjaan modern. Meskipun pepohonan yang ada belum cukup rindang, namun kedepannya diharapkan taman-taman seperti ini akan terus tumbuh di titik-titik bantaran waduk menciptakan ruang terbuka yang nyaman bagi warga.

    Photo credit: Daniel G.

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    Catalina Gomez, Coordenadora da Rede em São Paulo

    São Paulo, é a maior cidade do Brasil com 11 milhões de moradores e o epicentro da terceira maior área metropolitana do mundo; ela está totalmente urbanizada e tem poucas conexões com as áreas rurais, exceto por dois temas fundamentais: (i) a provisão de alimentos e (ii) os recursos naturais compartilhados. Esta semana nosso debate está focado nas conexões rural-urbano e no contexto de São Paulo, apresentamos duas experiências que estão contribuindo ao desenvolvimento sustentável da cidade por meio da agricultura urbana e da conservação ambiental, trazendo também uma relação mais balanceada entre a mega-cidade e as áreas rurais do entorno.

    Hortelões Urbanos é uma iniciativa recente que procura expandir a agricultura urbana em São Paulo. Esta oferece uma plataforma de troca de experiências em agricultura urbana, produção local de alimentos, reciclagem e estilos urbanos saudáveis que atualmente tem mais de 5 mil seguidores no Facebook. Embora a iniciativa seja bem recente, em menos de um ano, tem conseguido desenvolver hortas comunitárias em espaços públicos da cidade e promovendo a colaboração entre vizinhos pelo trabalho conjunto de comunidades mais sustentáveis. Sendo que as hortas comunitárias estão localizadas em espaços públicos, a iniciativa tem sido muito cuidadosa para conseguir delimitar os espaços das hortas e garantir que elas respeitam as normas dos espaços públicos e asseguram a passagem de pessoas, suas mascotas e bicicletas.

    A iniciativa foi criada por Claudia Visoni e Tatiana Achcar, duas jornalistas muito comprometidas na procura de práticas de sustentabilidade na sua cidade. Além da liderança, Hortelões Urbanos tem apoio de uma rede grande de voluntaries que não só participam do trabalho nas hortas, mais também contribuem na limpeza, vigilância e manutenção das hortas e porem à sustentabilidade do projeto. Para aqueles interessados no grupo, podem seguir sua apresentação o próximo 20 de setembro no Pecha Kucha Global Night que destacará casos de heróis escondidos em várias cidades.

    A segunda iniciativa é o Festival Cultivar, um evento anual criado para gerar conhecimento sobre praticas sustentáveis e conservação dos recursos naturais da cidade de São Paulo, tais como suas fontes de agua e árvores que são compartilhadas com a área metropolitana e o entorno rural. O evento foi estabelecido em 2010 e a partir de sua criação tem lugar num parque público no mês de setembro, justo para coincidir com o dia da árvore (Setembro 21) e o Dia Mundial Sem Carro (Setembro 22), para reforçar as prioridades alinhadas com a sustentabilidade da cidade.

    O Festival Cultivar também organiza “Cultivar Talks”, considerada como uma plataforma local tipo TedX de troca de experiências e práticas de sustentabilidade ambiental. Cultivar Talks promove a participação de representantes da sociedade civil além de expertos em politicas públicas que trazem diversidade de experiências e soluções na conservação dos recursos naturais da cidade, tais como a plantação de arvores e o cuidado de rios da cidade.

    Crédito fotográfico: Hortelões Urbanos

    Catalina Gomez, São Paulo Community Manager

    São Paulo, the biggest city in Brazil, has 11 million residents and is the epicenter of the third largest metropolitan area in the globe. It is fully urbanized and presents few connections with close by rural areas, with the exception of two fundamental aspects: (i) food supply; and (ii) shared natural resources. The following two initiatives contribute to São Paulo’s sustainable development through the expansion of urban agriculture and the conservation of natural resources, bringing greater balance between the megacity and nearby rural areas.

    Hortelões Urbanos is a recent initiative that aims to expand urban agriculture in São Paulo. It offers a platform for exchanging experiences and lessons learned on urban agriculture, local food production, recycling, and healthy urban lifestyles, and currently has more than 5,000 followers on Facebook. The initiative has also, in less than a year, developed seven community gardens in public spaces throughout the city, promoting joint work among community members toward more sustainable neighborhoods. The gardens are located in public spaces, so careful attention is paid to ensure that the gardens respect public space norms and ensure the proper flow of pedestrians, their pets, and bicycles.

    The initiative was launched by two committed women, Claudia Visoni and Tatiana Achcar, who are journalists and advocates on the need for more sustainable lifestyles in cities, with a focus on local food production and reduced dependency on an external food supply. Besides their leadership, Hortelões Urbanos is supported by a network of volunteers, who not only help to plant the various community gardens, but also help in their cleaning, watering, and upkeep, contributing to the gardens’ sustainability. Their example influences thousands of residents and is inspiring new initiatives as well. Those interested in learning more about this group can follow its presentation on the Pecha Kucha Global Night this September 20th, which will showcase “hidden heroes” in various cities.

    The second initiative is called Festival Cultivar, an annual event that aims at creating awareness about sustainable lifestyles and the importance of preserving São Paulo’s natural resources, including its water sources and trees, which are present throughout the metropolitan area and even reach the rural areas. The event was established in 2010; since then, it takes place in a public park each September, the same week as Tree Day (September 21) and International Car-Free Day (September 22), to reinforce some of the priorities aligned with a sustainable lifestyle.

    Festival Cultivar also brings “Cultivar Talks,” which can be compared to a local TedX platform for exchanging best practices and experiences on urban environmental sustainability. Cultivar Talks promotes the participation of civil society members and public policy experts, bringing different perspectives and solutions to São Paulo’s environmental challenges, with a focus on the conservation of the city’s natural resources, planting trees, and cleaning rivers and streams.

    Photo credit: Hortelões Urbanos