Latin America is the most urbanized region in the world, with an average urbanization rate of 80 percent. Many of the region’s cities are developing quickly and becoming important economic, cultural and touristic hubs. In spite of this growth and development, and the fact that poverty rates have been declining, 25 percent of Latin America’s urban residents still live in poverty. URB.im would like to encourage the debate around solutions to tackle poverty, foster inclusion and promote broader channels of participation, to bring about more just and inclusive cities in Latin America.
Join the conversation with our four panelists: Enrique Betancourt, Co-founder of Contextual and Former Deputy Director of Social Policies, Office of the President (Mexico); Paula Moreno, Former Minister of Culture and President, Corporación Manos Visibles (Colombia); Angela Franco, Vice-President of Research at the Universidad del Valle (Colombia); and Jorge Barbosa, Director, Favela Observatory (Brazil).
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Con una tasa de urbanización del 80 por ciento, América Latina es la región más urbanizada del planeta. Varias ciudades de la región se están desarrollando rápidamente y se están consolidando como importantes centros económicos, culturales y turísticos. A pesar de dicho crecimiento y desarrollo, y aunque la pobreza ha venido disminuyendo, se estima que el 25 por ciento de los habitantes de las ciudades Latinoamericanas viven en condiciones de pobreza. URB.im quiere generar un espacio de intercambio de experiencias y reflexiones sobre esfuerzos de reducción de pobreza y la promoción de la inclusión y la participación social, los cuales están contribuyendo a que las ciudades Latinoamericanas sean más justas e incluyentes.
Únanse a la conversación con nuestros cuatro participantes invitados: Enrique Betancourt, Cofundador de Contextual y Ex Director Adjunto de Política Social de la Presidencia (México); Paula Moreno, Exministra de Cultura y Presidenta, la Corporación Manos Visibles (Colombia); Angela Franco, Vicerrectora de Investigaciones de la Universidad del Valle (Colombia); y Jorge Barbosa, Director, Observatorio de las Favelas (Brasil).
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América Latina é a região mais urbanizada do planeta com uma taxa de urbanização de 80 por cento. Varias cidades da região estão se desenvolvendo rapidamente e estão se tornando importantes centros econômicos, culturais e turísticos. Embora aquele crescimento e desenvolvimento, é o fato que a pobreza vem diminuindo, ainda o 25 por cento da população das cidades Latino-americanas experimentam condições de pobreza. URB.im gostaria de incentivar o debate em torno às soluções no combate da pobreza e da exclusão e dos mecanismos para ampliar os cais de participação das cidades Latino-americanas para que sejam mais justas e inclusivas.
Participe na conversação com nossos quarto debatedores: Enrique Betancourt, Cofundador de Contextual e Ex-assessor Presidencial de Politicas Sociais (México); Paula Moreno, Ex-ministra de Cultura e Presidente, Corporación Manos Visibles (Colombia); Angela Franco, Vice-presidente de Pesquisa da Universidad del Valle (Colombia); e Jorge Barbosa, Diretor, Observatório de Favelas (Brasil).
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Enrique Betancourt, Co-founder of Contextual and Former Deputy Director of Social Policies, Office of the President (Mexico)
Latin America is the most urbanized of all developing regions. On its own, this fact could mean good news, as historically, cities have been able to reduce poverty rates and gender inequality, and have achieved substantial improvements in access to education, justice, and health services, among other benefits.
However, the quantitative data is insufficient to explain the challenges that Latin American cities are facing. The quality and speed with which the urbanization process has taken place complements this picture, explaining why urbanization was characterized by inequality, socioeconomic segregation, and precarious provision of social services and basic infrastructure. The scenario is even less encouraging when considering the institutional weaknesses in most of our region’s local governments, which are further and further away from meeting demand for social services and policies. When reviewing the region’s history of urban development and demographic trends, the violence that characterizes most cities in the region should not surprise us (42 of the 50 most violent cities in the world are in Latin America).
The future of Latin America’s development is closely linked to the quality with which its social and physical spaces are planned and managed.
In this debate I intend to advocate for the need for a much broader urban paradigm than the one proposed by the urban development practice at the end of the twentieth century, which focuses on planning the uses, densities, housing, and basic infrastructure.
The central proposal of my argument rests on the fact that urban issues should not be considered only a vertical of public policy like education, health, culture, sports, or economic development, but as cross-cutting policy, which would allow the “territorializing” (focusing on the territory) of other public policies.
This focus on the territory is based on three fundamental premises:
- Work from the intersection of the social strata, space, and their corresponding vertical public policy areas (such as health, education, etc.).
- Align national and sub-national policies to plan and manage on three simultaneous scales: regional, urban/metropolitan, and neighborhood.
- Define the mechanisms that allow the implementation of urban policies under a clear framework of social participation that prioritizes the public good and technical solutions over mere politics.
Enrique Betancourt is the cofounder of Contextual, an agency that develops creative solutions to urban problems through collaborative processes. His work focuses on the intersection between research, public policy design, and implementation. Previously, Enrique was the Head of the National Center for Crime Prevention and Citizen Participation, as well as the Deputy Director of Social Policy at the Office of the Presidency of Mexico. He studied architecture at the Universidad de las Américas Puebla, holds a Masters in Urbanism from Harvard University, and is a Yale World Fellow.
Enrique Betancourt, Cofundador de Contextual y Ex Director Adjunto de Política Social de la Presidencia (México)
América Latina es la región en vías de desarrollo más urbanizada del mundo. El hecho en sí mismo podría anunciar buenas noticias, pues las ciudades han llegado, a lo largo de la historia, acompañadas de reducciones importantes en índices de pobreza, desigualdad de género y mejoras sustanciales respecto al acceso a educación, justica y servicios de salud entre otros beneficios.
Sin embargo el dato cuantitativo resulta insuficiente para explicar el reto que representa la vida en las ciudades de nuestra región. La calidad y la velocidad con la que ha sucedido el proceso de urbanización complementan el panorama y terminan por explicar como éste último se ha caracterizado por la desigualdad, la segregación socioeconómica y la precariedad en la provisión de servicios sociales e infraestructura básica. El escenario resulta menos alentador ante la clara debilidad institucional de la mayoría de los gobiernos locales de la región, quienes se encuentran cada vez más lejos de poder satisfacer la demanda de servicios y políticas sociales. Ante la revisión de la historia de desarrollo urbano y tendencias demográficas no debería sorprender mucho la violencia que caracteriza a la mayoría de las ciudades de la región. (42 de las 50 ciudades mas violentas del mundo son Latinoamericanas).
El futuro del desarrollo de América Latina esta íntimamente ligado a la calidad con la que se planifiquen y gestionen los espacios sociales y físicos de sus ciudades.
En este debate me propongo abogar por la necesidad de un paradigma urbano mucho más amplio que el propuesto por la noción de desarrollo urbana de finales del siglo XX centrada prioritariamente en la planeación de los usos, las densidades, la vivienda y la infraestructura básica.
La propuesta central de mi argumento radica en la necesidad de que los asuntos urbanos no sean considerados únicamente como un área de política pública vertical más como lo son la educación, salud, cultura, deporte, desarrollo económico, sino un política transversal que permita la territorialización de las otras políticas públicas.
Esta territorialización supondría tres premisas fundamentales:
- Trabajar desde la intersección de las capas sociales, espaciales y las correspondientes a cada área de política vertical (salud, educación, etc.)
- Alinear políticas nacionales y sub-nacionales para planear y gestionar en 3 escalas simultaneas: regional, la urbana / metropolitana y la barrial.
- Definir mecanismos que permitan la operación táctica de políticas urbanas bajo un marco definido de participación social que priorice el bien público y las soluciones técnicas por encima de las meramente políticas.
Enrique Betancourt es cofundador de Contextual, una agencia que desarrolla soluciones creativas a problemas urbanos a través de procesos colaborativos. Su trabajo se centra en la intersección que existe entre la investigación, el diseño de políticas públicas y su implementación. Anteriormente fue Titular del Centro Nacional de Prevención del Delito y Participación Ciudadana y Director Adjunto de Política Social en la Oficina de la Presidencia del Gobierno de México. Es Arquitecto por la Universidad de las Américas en Puebla, Maestro en Urbanismo por la Universidad de Harvard y Yale World Fellow.
Paula Moreno, Former Minister of Culture and President, Corporación Manos Visibles (Colombia)
One of the most critical challenges in increasingly urbanized Latin American cities is how to enforce social integration as a strategy to reduce urban violence and promote greater social cohesion and resilience among its citizens. The dynamics of public space not only as a symbol of physical welfare but also as a determinant of equal social relations is a major challenge to be addressed. I would like to mention the case of Medellin, a Colombian city with both a complex history in terms of violence, illegal networks, and segregation, and at the same time the most dynamic cultural and economic nodes, with opportunities for structural social change in the medium term.
Medellin is the clearest example of urban transformation in recent years in Colombia. First, the city’s government has showed continuous political support for and prioritization of social integration. Second, the city has developed comprehensive urban interventions that prioritize social integration as a tool to tackle violence and social degradation. These interventions take the form of urban upgrading programs, which invest not only in improving the physical conditions of low-income neighborhoods, but also in their social capital. Today, after almost a decade of sustained public interventions, one of the most critical components of Medellin’s scheme is not only the architectural icons or the modern transportation systems that the city has built, but the incubation of strengthened social networks that nurture and sustain the physical intervention, and also generate the social fabric to prevent violence and to shape a common project for the city.
Throughout the years, the quality of physical transformation has been complemented by social policies to map and effectively empower social networks. The building capacity strategy, mainly supported by the public administration but also by national and international organizations (e.g. Paisa Joven of GTZ, Picacho Corporation (Ford Foundation) or the projects of Fundación Social or Fundación Suraméricana) strengthened the capacities and roles of commune leaders and organizations. Visible grassroots leaders with administration leadership positions have access to top public and private universities (e.g. EPM Fund), and create a knowledge base that integrates their own territorial views into the academy and the public decision-making process through schemes like participatory security and budgeting. This social architecture, built upon bridging organizations with political advocacy, economic alternatives, and social mobility with a major territorial attachment, has become a major force in tackling criminal networks in the city. (Two examples of bridging organizations of this type are Son Batá and la Elite Hip Hop.)
Paula Moreno is an industrial engineer with experience in social project management, design and implementation of public policies. She was the youngest minister in the history of Colombia and the first Afro-Colombian women to hold a ministerial office. In 2010 she was selected by the Council of the Americas as one of the most influential young leaders in the region for her work on effectively understanding diversity, and by the Black Mayors Association as one of the most influential Black leaders in the world. She founded and is currently serving as president of the Visible Hands Corporation, an NGO focused on practices of effective inclusion for youth at risk and ethnic communities in Colombia. Ms. Moreno holds a Master’s Degree in Management Studies from the University of Cambridge and was a United States Fulbright scholar for the program of urban and regional planning at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT).
Paula Moreno, Exministra de Cultura y Presidenta, la Corporación Manos Visibles (Colombia)
Uno de los desafíos más importantes en el crecimiento de las ciudades latinoamericanas, es cómo promover la integración social como una estrategia para reducir la violencia urbana, además de cómo generar una mayor cohesión social y resiliencia entre sus ciudadanos. La dinámica del espacio público no es sólo un símbolo del bienestar físico, sino también es un factor determinante de las relaciones sociales de igualdad—y se convierte en un desafío importante de abordar. Me gustaría mencionar el caso de Medellín, una ciudad colombiana con una complejidad histórica importante en términos de violencia, redes ilegales y segregación; al mismo tiempo, tiene los nodos culturales y económicos más dinámicos del país y ofrece oportunidades para el cambio social estructural a medio plazo.
Medellín es el ejemplo más claro de la transformación urbana de los últimos años en Colombia. En primer lugar, el gobierno de la ciudad ha mostrado un apoyo político continuo y también ha mostrado prioridad a la integración social. en segundo lugar, la ciudad ha desarrollado intervenciones urbanas integrales que dan prioridad a la integración social como una herramienta para hacer frente a la violencia y a la degradación social. Estas intervenciones se enfocan en programas de mejoramiento urbano, que no sólo invierten en la mejora de las condiciones físicas de los barrios de bajos ingresos, sino también en su capital social. Hoy en día, después de casi una década de intervenciones públicas sostenidas, los componentes más relevantes de Medellín no son sólo los iconos arquitectónicos o los sistemas de transporte modernos que la ciudad ha construido, sino también la incubación de las redes y organizaciones sociales fortalecidas que promueven y mantienen la intervención física, y que también generan el tejido social para prevenir la violencia, y contribuyen a dar forma a un proyecto común para la ciudad.
A través de los años, la calidad de la transformación física se ha complementado con las políticas sociales para formar y capacitar más efectivamente las redes y organizaciones sociales. El desarrollo de la estrategia de capacidad no es únicamente apoyada por la administración pública, sino también por organizaciones internacionales como por ejemplo Paisa Joven de la GTZ y Corporación Picacho de la Fundación Ford, (o los proyectos de la Fundación Social y de la Fundación Suramericana), los cuales fortalecen las capacidades y las funciones de los líderes de las comunas y de las organizaciones sociales locales. Los líderes que son visibles con base social y con posición de liderazgo en la administración, tienen acceso a las mejores universidades públicas y privadas (v.gr., el Fondo EPM). Ellos crean una base de conocimientos integrados a través de sus propios puntos de vista territoriales y crean el proceso de decisiones públicas a través de esquemas como: la seguridad y la creación de presupuestos en forma participativa. Esta es una arquitectura social para crear alianzas entre organizaciones con incidencia política y alternativas económicas. Además, funciona para crear otro tipo de movilidad social con una mayor vinculación territorial que se ha convertido en una fuerza importante para hacer frente a los ciclos de redes criminales en la ciudad.
Paula Moreno es ingeniera industrial con experiencia en gestión de proyectos sociales, diseño e implementación de políticas públicas. Ella fue la primera mujer afrocolombiana en ocupar un cargo ministerial y la más joven en la historia de Colombia. En 2010 fue seleccionada por el Consejo de las Américas como una de las líderes jóvenes y más influyentes de la región por su trabajo en la comprensión de la diversidad. La Black Mayors Association también la destaca como una de las líderes negras más influyentes en el mundo. Ella fundó y es la presidenta de la la Corporación Manos Visibles. La organización es una ONG centrada en las prácticas de inclusión efectiva para los jóvenes en situación de riesgo y de las comunidades étnicas en Colombia. Paula tiene una Maestría en Estudios de Gestión por la Universidad de Cambridge y fue una becaria Fulbright en los Estados Unidos para el programa de planificación urbana y regional en el Instituto de Tecnología de Massachusetts (MIT).
Angela Franco, Vice-President of Research at the Universidad del Valle (Colombia)
One of the biggest challenges we face in Latin America and the Caribbean is the reduction of poverty. We must seek equity levels to counterbalance the disturbing situation of social inequality that characterizes our countries. In this context, urban planning plays a central role. This is because improving the quality of life of families in poverty is directly related to the urban policies of inclusion and neighborhood upgrading, and has a direct relationship with competitive strategies and natural resource management.
Nevertheless, while it seems clear that public policies aimed at these purposes should occupy the front lines of government agendas, the reality is that there is much talk and little is done. But why?
First, I consider that the processes of social inclusion, being long-term processes, are not attractive to those in power who, in the case of Colombia, have four years to show results for their management. Unfortunately, we have seen that there have been few leaders who initiate a program and leave the results to another. Second, the high investment and complexity involved in implementing a program of poverty reduction and neighborhood upgrading is a challenge that only a few people want to take on.
Perhaps this is the result of the indifference of the citizens and their willingness to go along with the projects undertaken by those in power. For example, complaints are not common when the tax money is invested in road infrastructure conducive to private vehicles. It’s a quick way to show immediate results to taxpayers. Neither are there frequent questions from civil society on major social housing schemes, which contribute little to the quality of life of the poorest and least of urban quality.
However, some recent governments in Colombia have shown great commitment and have faced the problem of poverty and social inequality seriously. We should keep in mind the lessons learned from the governments of Antanas Mockus and Enrique Peñalosa in Bogotá, during which civic culture, public space, and school infrastructure left a positive balance in reducing the “social distance” and increasing tolerance and security.
In Medellin, Sergio Fajardo and the subsequent politicians set the goal to change the HDI in the marginal sectors, focusing investments on accessibility, school infrastructure, and the development of programs to create jobs and opportunities.
In Cali, the current mayor Rodrigo Guerrero is designing strategies to direct investment towards informal settlements and the most segregated areas of the city. As a result of the current local government work, the Ford Foundation included Cali in the Just Cities initiative. Now the city is challenged to take this opportunity to reduce inequality and poverty rates. But more important than defining projects and investments, all local actors should seek the empowerment of civil society, unions, academia, and all other stakeholders related to urban development. This empowerment would ensure that proposed projects transcend the current administration and become a navigation chart to achieve a profound change in the city and for its citizens.
Angela Franco is Vice-President of Research at the University Del Valle in Cali, Colombia. She is an architect and an urban planner and holds a MSc in Sociology. Her research projects are focused on informal settlements, urban segregation, and urban renewal processes in downtown areas. In 2012 she did a fellowship in the Special Program for Urban and Regional Studies at MIT, where she was working on international development good practices to explore new topics of analysis and applied research in the Latin America and the Caribbean region.
Angela Franco, Vicerrectora de Investigaciones de la Universidad del Valle (Colombia)
Uno de los mayores desafíos que enfrentamos en América Latina y el Caribe es la reducción de la pobreza. Nuestros esfuerzos se deberían concentrar en procurar mejores niveles de equidad para contrarrestar la alarmante situación de desigualdad social que caracteriza a nuestros países. En este contexto, la planificación urbana tiene un rol central, dado que la acción de mejorar la calidad de vida de las familias que viven en situación de pobreza está directamente relacionada con las legislaciones urbanas de inclusión y el mejoramiento de barrios; además, tiene una relación directa con las estrategias de competitividad y la administración de recursos naturales.
Sin embargo, aunque parece evidente que las políticas públicas dirigidas a estos fines deben estar al frente de las agendas de los gobiernos, la realidad es que se habla mucho y se hace poco, pero ¿por qué?
En primer lugar, considero que los procesos de inclusión social, al ser procesos a largo plazo, no son atractivos para los gobernantes que, en el caso de Colombia, tienen cuatro años para mostrar resultados de su administración. Desafortunadamente, hemos visto como pocos líderes inician un programa para dejarle los resultados a otro. En segundo lugar, la alta inversión y la alta complejidad involucrada en un programa de reducción de pobreza y de mejoramiento de barrios es un reto que sólo pocos quieren asumir.
Tal vez este es el resultado de la indiferencia de los ciudadanos y de su conformidad a los proyectos llevados a cabo por aquellos en posiciones de poder. Por ejemplo, hay muy pocas quejas cuando el dinero de los impuestos se invierte en la infraestructura vial, que beneficia a los vehículos privados. Estas inversiones son una forma rápida de mostrar resultados inmediatos para los contribuyentes. Tampoco, hay cuestionamientos por parte de la sociedad civil sobre los programas de vivienda, los cuales contribuyen poco a la calidad de vida de los más pobres y de los que viven una vida de poca calidad urbana.
Sin embargo, algunos gobiernos locales recientes en Colombia han mostrado un gran compromiso y se han enfrentado seriamente al problema de la pobreza y de la desigualdad social. Se debe tener en cuenta las lecciones aprendidas de los alcaldes Antanas Mockus y de Enrique Peñalosa en Bogotá, durante los cuales la cultura cívica, el espacio público y la infraestructura escolar dejaron un equilibrio positivo en la reducción de la “distancia social” y en el aumento de la tolerancia y de la seguridad.
En Medellín, el alcalde Sergio Fajardo, y los gobernantes siguientes, fijaron la meta de cambiar el Indice de Desarrollo Humano (IDH) en los sectores marginales, centrándose en mayor parte en las inversiones de materia de accesibilidad, la infraestructura escolar y el desarrollo de programas para crear empleos y oportunidades laborales.
En Cali, el alcalde actual, Rodrigo Guerrero, está diseñando estrategias para la inversión directa hacia los asentamientos informales y las áreas más segregadas de la ciudad. En consecuencia de la labor actual de los gobiernos locales, la Fundación Ford incluyó a Cali en la iniciativa, Ciudades Justas. Ahora la ciudad tiene el reto de tomar esta oportunidad para reducir los índices de la desigualdad y de pobreza. Y más que definir inversiones, es más importante que todos los actores locales busquen el empoderamiento de la sociedad civil, los sindicatos, las universidades y demás actores relacionados con el desarrollo urbano. Dicho empoderamiento aseguraría que los proyectos propuestos trasciendan la administración actual y se conviertan en una carta de navegación para lograr un cambio profundo en la ciudad y en los ciudadanos.
Angela Franco es Vicerrectora de Investigaciones de la Universidad del Valle en Cali, Colombia. Es arquitecta, urbanista y tiene Maestría en Sociología. Sus proyectos de investigación se centran en asentamientos informales, la segregación urbana y los procesos de renovación urbana en las áreas del centro de la ciudad. Durante el año 2012 obtuvo una beca de investigación en el Programa Especial de Estudios Urbanos y Regionales en MIT donde trabajó en el desarrollo de buenas prácticas y nuevos temas de análisis y de investigación aplicada en la región de Latinoamérica y el Caribe.
Jorge Luiz Barbosa, Director, Favela Observatory (Brazil)
The territories of our social life are becoming increasingly complex and diverse, especially when we live in cities that keep growing due to concentrated urbanization. The relationship between city, neighborhood, and the day-to-day seems to be a nostalgic experience rather than a reality. In this new urban condition, pluralized identities and new practices emerge to symbolically appropriate space and time. Therefore, the utopia of a more generous city invites us to promote an alternative political space for democracy and citizenship.
To realize the multiple possibilities of a city, the social and political qualities of public space are pivotal. In addition to the State and the Market, there are other dimensions to consider for life in society. In this sense, the role of civil society as a political instrument is necessary to renew the public sphere.
Aristotle considered the human being to be endowed by words. According to him, the use of words contributed to the shift of human beings from “animalistic” to civilization. The doxa (opinion) was the expression of building the community ethos (koinonía) of autonomous and collective beings. This expression led to the construction of an ethical subject in action, with its own space: the Polis.
For us, a serious public sphere is a space of visibility for an individual and for others. But this is only possible if words and actions are used in the exercise of rights. In this vein, the concept of citizenship gains relevant emancipatory elements in the practice of rights, especially regarding the return to the territory of the public political sphere.
The return to the territory is pivotal to political practice once the day-to-day of all beings, all actions, and all human intentions are integrated in established times and spaces. Within a territory, it is possible to recognize collective interests and mobilize joint forces of change.
When trying to determine an agenda to overcome social inequalities, we need to identify the stakeholders that create change. This leads us to recognize that new collective subjects must assume a key role in building effective citizenship policy, especially with regard to overcoming inequalities due to ethnicity, race, gender, and sexual orientation.
Various civil society organizations have a key role in the political process described, especially those working in areas marked by deep social inequalities and reduced participation in the public sphere. The Favela Observatory has been working through its various modes of intervention (urban policy, human rights, education, culture, arts, and communication) to place unprivileged and excluded territories at the center of the political construction of the right to the city, ensuring new actors in these new spaces of political participation.
Jorge Luiz Barbosa is a Professor at the Federal Fluminense University, Director of the Favela Observatory, and co-author of the following books: Favela: Joy and Pain in the City, What is a Favela, Anyway?, The New Carioca, and Cultural Grounds.
Jorge Luiz Barbosa, Diretor do Observatório das Favelas (Brasil)
Os territórios de nossa vida social são cada vez mais complexos e diversos, sobretudo quando vivemos em metrópoles agigantadas pela urbanização concentrada. A relação cidade / bairro / cotidiano do passado parece ser mais uma experiência nostálgica do que uma realidade ainda próxima. Nesta nova condição urbana revelam-se identidades pluralizadas e práticas inteiramente novas de apropriação material e simbólica do espaço e do tempo. Portanto, a utopia de uma cidade mais generosa ainda pulsa e nos convida a promover outro campo político para a democracia e a para a cidadania.
Para a realização das múltiplas possibilidades do viver a cidade se faz indispensável a qualidade social e política do espaço público. Para além do Estado e do Mercado há outras dimensões para pensar a construção de referências para a vida em sociedade. Nesse sentido, a retomada do papel da sociedade civil como instância política é necessária e inadiável para instituir uma renovada esfera pública.
Aristóteles considerava o homem como um ser dotado da palavra. Segundo ele, a partilha das palavras contribuía para o ser humano aceder da animalidade à civilidade, pois a doxa (opinião) era a expressão própria da construção do ethos comunitário (koinonía) de sujeitos autônomos e coletivos. Essa partilha, que conduzia a constituição do sujeito ético em ação, possuía um lugar próprio: a Pólis.
A esfera pública seria, para nós, um espaço da visibilidade de si e do outro. Ou seja, do domínio da alteridade como campo da política. Todavia, só possível de existência tangível com a corporificação da palavra e da ação no exercício de direitos à liberdade. Nesta senda, a concepção cidadania ganha elementos emancipatórios fundamentais como prática de direitos, dentre eles, o retorno ao território com esfera pública da política.
O retorno ao território é o fundamento da prática política, uma vez que o cotidiano de todos os sujeitos, de todas as ações e todas as intenções humanas possui a sua integralidade em espaços/tempos demarcados. No território é possível reconhecer os interesses coletivos, promover pertencimentos e de mobilizar forças plurais de mudança.
E, quando tratamos da elaboração de uma agenda de superação das desigualdades sociais precisamos identificar os atores de sua criação e efetivação. Essa posição nos conduz a reconhecer que novos sujeitos coletivos devem assumir um papel principal na construção política de efetivação de cidadania, sobretudo no que diz respeito à superação de desigualdades que se reproduzem com recortes étnicos, raciais, etários, de gênero e de orientação sexual.
As diferentes organizações da sociedade civil terão um papel fundamental no processo político em destaque, principalmente as que atuam em territórios marcados por profundas desigualdades sociais e de reduzida participação na esfera pública. O Observatório de Favelas vem se empenhando, por meio de seus diferentes campos de atuação (política urbana, direitos humanos, educação, cultura, artes e comunicação), em colocar os territórios populares na centralidade construção política do Direito à Cidade, afirmando novos atores em novos cenários de participação política.
Jorge Luiz Barbosa é Professor da Universidade Federal Fluminense, Diretor do Observatório de Favelas e Co-autor dos Livros: “Favela: Alegria e dor na Cidade”; “O que é favela, afinal?”; “O novo carioca”; e “Solos Culturais”.
Submitted by Editor — Sun, 11/17/2013 – 23:00
Transportation infrastructure is a key factor in enhancing economic growth and quality of life. Still, many recent transportation initiatives, by focusing on cars and highways, have favored the rich and the middle class. The following articles explore ways to provide safe, affordable, eco-friendly, and reliable transportation to the poor in the Global South. Read on to learn more, then join the discussion below.
Despite a number of post-1994 initiatives, urban transport system problems persist. Recently (2006-2012), in the largest Public Private Partnership yet launched in South Africa, between the Gauteng Provincial Government and Bombela International Consortium, a rapid rail project worth R20 billion (US$ 2 billion) was implemented. The “Gautrain” rapid rail network consists of two spines: one (south-north) linking Johannesburg and Pretoria, and the other (west-east) linking the Sandton business district and OR Tambo International airport. Coupled with this, in 2007 the City began constructing an ambitious Bus Rapid Transit System (BRT) known as the “Rea Vaya” (see Fig. 2).
In contrast to the BRT, the Gautrain, in catering purely for the affluent car owner/user, from a social perspective clearly suffers from the criticism of class/mobility-related exclusion; although this could be offset by a BRT system that, unlike the Gautrain where there is no clarity in providing mixed-income residential development around its stations, clearly allows for mixed-income along BRT corridors.
In 2008, Governor Fashola’s state government introduced the Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) scheme through the Lagos Metropolitan Transport Authority (LAMATA) to improve road transport system and ultimately reduce congestion. The new fleet of buses were designed to be more comfortable, and introduced an organised system of public transportation. The pilot BRT transport scheme runs through 22 km of exclusive lanes, providing faster transport at affordable prices for commuters. Since its inception, a lot of positive impact has been recorded. Highlights recorded by the World Bank include:
Yet a solution from Chennai offers a comprehensive example for Mumbai on how to move toward sustainable, comprehensive mobility. In August, Shreya Gadepalli, of the Institute for Transportation Development Policy (ITDP), presented her work with a new initiative, the Chennai Unified Metropolitan Transport Authority (CUMTA), at the ORF to share the progress Chennai has made and how it might apply to Mumbai.
১৯৬১ অধ্যাদেশে সপ্তম নম্বরের অধীনে বাংলাদেশ রোড ট্রান্সপোর্ট কর্পোরেশন (বি.আর.টি.সি) প্রতিষ্ঠিত হয়েছিল। এটি বাংলাদেশ সরকারের স্বীকৃত পরিবহন কর্পোরেশন যা সকল শ্রেণীর মানুষের জন্য সস্তা এবং আরামদায়ক ভ্রমন ব্যবস্থা প্রদানের জন্য প্রতিষ্ঠিত হয়। বর্তমানে বাংলাদেশে বি.আর.টি.সি এর ১,১১৬ টি বাস পুরো বাংলাদেশে চলাচল করছে কিন্তু এগুলো ৪৭ মিলিয়ন (প্রায় ২৬ শতাংশ) দরিদ্র মানুষের পরিবহন চাহিদা মিটাতে যথেষ্ট নয়।
Sebagai angkutan umum, Kopaja sering mendapat sorotan negatif dikarenakan alasan: Pertama, penumpang Kopaja sering berlebih hingga dua kali lipat sehingga rawan kejahatan seperti pencurian dan pelecehan. Kedua, Kopaja juga dianggap jauh dari aman sebab sering kali alat kemudi dan pengukur kecepatan yang seadanya. Banyak pengemudi mobil pribadi yang merasa terancam sebab cara menyetir sopir Kopaja yang ugal-ugalan dan sering melanggar rambu-rambu lalu lintas dan membahayakan pengguna jalan lain. Ketiga, Kopaja merupakan penyumbang besar polusi perkotaan disebabkan buruknya sistem pembuangan karbon yang cukup membahayakan bagi manusia dan lingkungan.
Iniciemos com o metrô. Embora ele tenha sido inaugurado faz quase 35 anos atrás e apresente um atendimento médio de 650 mil pessoas durante um dia útil, ele está subutilizado. Por exemplo, ele tem só 35 estações em quanto o de São Paulo, tem 62 e aquele de Buenos Aires tem 86. Também existem queixas constantes sobre a superlotação, contribuindo a percursos incômodos e inseguros.
Aunque la situación actual dista mucho de ser buena, el premio se ha otorgado a un proyecto actualmente en marcha y que puede redundar en una mejora significativa de la situación medioambiental. En primer lugar, está previsto que 200 autobuses híbridos comiencen a circular por Bogotá a partir del 15 de diciembre. Los buses, marca Volvo, son fabricados en Brasil y ensamblados en Colombia. Podrán circular tanto por los carriles de alta velocidad del Transmilenio como por rutas convencionales, pues tienen puertas a ambos lados. Está previsto que circulen por la Carrera 7º, una de las principales de la ciudad y por la que en la actualidad solo circulan busetas y coches particulares. Una vez que los autobuses híbridos comiencen a circular por esta carrera, sus elevados niveles de contaminación descenderán de forma significativa. Estos buses no necesitan conectarse a la red eléctrica para recargarse.
Para atender o grande desafio da atenção à saúde mental, o governo brasileiro vem apresentando avanços importantes liderados pelo Ministério da Saúde. No tema regulatório, o ministério aprovou no ano 2001 a Politica Nacional de Saúde Mental que estabelece importantes orientações de política afastando-se das hospitalizações e dando prioridade aos serviços de terapia e reintegração social. Adicionalmente, a legislação orienta que os municípios são as unidades encarregadas de providenciar os serviços de saúde mental no seu território.
Bangladeshi garment factories have become synonymous with deathbeds, as evidenced by the frequent accidents, fires, and building collapses in recent years. The recent building collapse in Savar caused the deaths of thousands of workers. As a consequence, foreign investors are withdrawing their investments from the garments sector, which accounts for 80 percent of the country’s export earnings. It is surprising that despite the overwhelming importance of this sector, law enforcement in this sector is depressingly weak. Read more or join the discussion.
Nairobi is not the city it was five years ago. The capital of Kenya is transforming its skyline: high-rises are mushrooming up and away from the Central Business District in a quest to find unoccupied space and expand. Accompanying this vertical climb is the ongoing construction of a network of roads and bypasses, aimed to make Nairobi a more fluid and modern city. Some of the key roads that are now nearing completion have been under construction for years. This has opened up an opportunity for street vendors to create informal markets and stalls from which to provide the workforce with food and refreshments. Read more or join the discussion.
Labour laws exist to protect employees from exploitation by their employers. Unfortunately, many companies and factories in Lagos do not adhere to these laws, leading to overworked, underpaid workers who perform in hostile, unhealthy, and dangerous work environments. In one recent case in Lagos, an employee lost his life while on duty in a Chinese-owned nylon manufacturing company with over 500 factory employees. This incident set off a series of worker protests against labour violations and unjust employment conduct. Read more or join the discussion.
The Bangladesh garment factory collapse reminded us of the humanity behind our every day fashion. The substandard conditions are common to stitchers in Bangalore as well. Even before the tragedy in Dhaka, Bangalore played host to a people’s tribunal, “Living Wages for Garment Workers,” to hear the voices behind the brands speak on issues related to living wages and decent working conditions as a human right. It was the “first-ever attempt” to bring together workers from all major apparel hubs from across India. Read more or join the discussion.
Since the 1950s, Brazil has been taking important steps to ensure the basic protection of all its workers. The most relevant advances include the approval of a series of laws and regulations that ensure formal workers a minimum wage, and a number of benefits, including unemployment benefits, maternity leave, access to a pension fund, and paid time off, and sometimes transportation and meal subsidies. Read more or join the discussion.
Shaila Satpute and her husband have been running a footwear shop in Mumbai for the last 15 years. Their $130 monthly profit goes to taking care of household expenses and the family’s future — educating their three children, providing them with opportunities Shaila and her husband were unable to access. The Satputes’ always had aspirations to grow their small business, but were unable to save enough to invest in more stock. That all changed when Shaila took a small loan from Mumbai-based microfinance organization, Swadhaar FinServe. Now on her third loan cycle, Shaila’s monthly profit has doubled. Read more or join the discussion.
Microfinance has proven to be one of the most effective, targeted tools to promote pro-poor economic growth. Inclusive growth is one of post-revolutionary Egypt’s goals, and microfinance is indeed effective in creating growth that focuses on increasing social justice, closing the income gap, and creating new job opportunities. There are over 400 micro-finance institutions (MFIs) currently operate in Egypt, positioning microfinance services as key tools for impacting the poor. Read more or join the discussion.
For many entrepreneurs around the globe, starting a new business is a great challenge. Launching a new business is even harder for micro-entrepreneurs from low-income communities: they generally lack access to credit because they have no guarantors. When they do manage to get credit, the interest rate is often much higher than usual, limiting the possibilities to launch a business and to live off it. Read more or join the discussion.
Three are numerous signals for how urban farming will unfold in the future where we will be faced with larger populations and more limited natural resources. Technological advances will improve resource efficiency and productive yields. Examples of our high tech future include LED grow lights (Philips), high-rise hydroponic (nutrient-enriched water) or aeroponically (nutrient-enriched air) greenhouses (Vertical Harvest) and in-door farming (FarmedHere) and fisheries. The Swedish-Chinese collaboration in indoor farming, Plantagon, develops high-tech industrial integration of waste and productive streams.
In India, urban farming is taking hold across economic groups, building community, and importantly improving nutrition in the slums. After growing into much of its surrounding farm land, the City of Pune is now integrating food production into its high-rise planning. Since 2008 they have been encouraging urban farmers on land and even in the kitchen. The City of Hyderabad is supporting urban farming by providing families with starter kits. By composting household waste, community farming creates sustainable systems for food production in cities. More elaborate low-tech systems like those developed by the Urban Farming Guys can have great impact in a community.
According to UNICEF estimates, approximately 9.1 percent of children mortality is caused by acute diarrheal disease and other waterborne diseases. While the government claims that water is accessible to everyone in urban areas, only around 92 percent of urban households have access to safe water sources, and this statistic only includes households that are formally registered with the government. In the informal sector, when plumbing is available it is often linked to individual underground water sources that are generally untreated and unfiltered. Lack of planning in these areas exacerbates pollution and environmental degradation of these sources as they become contaminated with urban waste and sewage leakages.
All around Brazil, including Rio de Janeiro, the term favela is used to refer to a low-income neighborhood. Favelas are often associated with poverty, insecurity, and violence; however, although such problems are still present in many of these communities, there is a lot more to favelas than that — and their negative reputations should be corrected to reflect this. A number of local NGOs and social organizations are currently helping to change the negative perception of favelas and their residents. Read more or join the discussion.
Brasil está fazendo grandes esforços na consolidação de suas politicas públicas enfocadas na promoção da segurança alimentar e de hábitos saudáveis com foco na população mais pobre e vulnerável. Para atender esta prioridade, o Ministério de Desenvolvimento Social e Combate a Fome (MDS) tem desenvolvido um Plano Nacional de Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional para guiar o trabalho. Leia mais ou discutir.
A renovação urbana do Porto Maravilha no Rio de Janeiro é um ambicioso projeto de requalificação da deteriorada zona portuária que abrange uma área de 5 milhões de metros quadrados. O projeto busca criar novas condições de moradia, trabalho, transporte e lazer para a população que ali vive principalmente aquela de baixa renda, mais tentando gerar um espaço de uso misto pioneiro na cidade. Leia mais ou discutir.
Rio de Janeiro tem boa cobertura de serviços de água, com só 1,5 por cento dos domicílios cariocas (32,908) sem serviço adequado. A cidade também tem avançado na ampliação da cobertura da rede de esgoto na passada década. Segundo Rio Como Vamos, no ano 2000, cerca de 21 por cento dos domicílios do Rio (387,367) não tenham conexão de esgoto. Em 2010, o indicador de famílias sem esgoto desceu para 5 por cento (109,258 domicílios). Leia mais o discutir.
According to the National Survey of People Living on the Streets carried out by the Ministry of Social Development (MDS) in 2009, Rio de Janeiro has around 4,585 homeless people. Unfortunately, this survey only counts adults 18 years or older, thereby excluding homeless children. What we know about the homeless population is that although it’s quite heterogeneous, it shares common characteristics including poverty, fragile family bonds, and the absence of permanent shelter. Read more or join the discussion.