Category: Uncategorized

Jorge Bela, Bogotá Community Manager

The illiteracy rate in Bogota is slightly below 2 percent, according to official reports. This represents the best rate in Colombia. The real rate might, nevertheless, be somewhat higher, due to the constant inflow of immigrants from rural areas, where illiteracy rates are much higher, into the capital. In addition, the 2011 PIRLS report (Progress in International Reading Literacy Study) suggests that the rate of functional illiteracy is quite high in the country as a whole. These problems are aggravated by an elevated rated of digital illiteracy, as high as 50 percent as suggested by a 2010 survey by the Ministerio de Tecnologías de la Información y las Comunicaciones. Digital illiteracy is a pressing challenge in large Latin American cities. It affects more severely the populations already at a higher risk of social exclusion, and makes it harder for them to benefit from current economic prosperity. It also affects negatively the competitiveness of local economies, which are unable to meet the challenges of an increasingly open and technology-driven world economy.

To tackle this problem, an alliance between the City of Bogotá and the Empresa de Telecomunicaciones de Bogotá (ETB) has created several training programs aimed at improving digital literacy in the Colombian capital. Fifteen “interactive gateways,” multimedia hubs equipped with Internet-enabled computers, are used for the training. These hubs were created by ETB and located in the neighborhoods with the greatest needs in Bogotá. The first program targeted micro-business and micro-entrepreneurs. The training lasted 40 hours and covered the basic use of a computer, word processing (Word), presentations (PowerPoint), spreadsheets (Excel), “cloud” applications, graphics, image processing, Internet navigation, online government transactions and email. The free courses were open to any micro-business owner in the agro-industry, services, industrial, and leather sectors. More than 10.000 people benefited from these courses.

In a second phase the program has been expanded to cover individuals at high risk of social exclusion: recyclers, victims of the armed conflict, informal sellers, and people with disabilities. The program includes seven increasingly difficult modules of 20 hours. Once a module is completed, the participant obtains a certificate. The ongoing program has a budget of 400 million COP (about $200,000). The courses cover basic digital literacy, introduction to office tools, Excel, intermediate Excel (inventory, receipts, payroll), webpage design, virtual communities, and job searching.

The Secretaría Distrital de Integración Social has launched another interesting initiative. In this case a training program was designed for homeless people in Bogota. The program was aimed at giving them basic digital literacy and to raise their awareness of the problems that vandalism and theft of copper cables causes to the city. A total of 118 homeless people have participated in this training program. Although the number might seem small, the program has had a significant impact in a community often neglected and even ignored by local authorities.

Transportation infrastructure is a key factor in enhancing economic growth and quality of life. Still, many recent transportation initiatives, by focusing on cars and highways, have favored the rich and the middle class. The following articles explore ways to provide safe, affordable, eco-friendly, and reliable transportation to the poor in the Global South. Read on to learn more, then join the discussion below.

Tariq Toffa, Johannesburg Community Manager

Apartheid policies in South Africa made for ineffective cities. Fragmented and segmented, Johannesburg has an ambivalent relationship with public transport. Historically, more affluent, mostly northern white suburbs were provided with extensive transport infrastructure, such as electric trams (1906-48) and later highways (see Fig. 1). By contrast, the denser and poorer black townships, mostly in the south, were provided with limited and marginalised rail and bus public transport. Yet out of desperate need by being located far away from major industrial and commercial centres, in the 1970s a mini-bus taxi industry emerged, which has grown to serve approximately 72 percent of all public transport users.

Despite a number of post-1994 initiatives, urban transport system problems persist. Recently (2006-2012), in the largest Public Private Partnership yet launched in South Africa, between the Gauteng Provincial Government and Bombela International Consortium, a rapid rail project worth R20 billion (US$ 2 billion) was implemented. The “Gautrain” rapid rail network consists of two spines: one (south-north) linking Johannesburg and Pretoria, and the other (west-east) linking the Sandton business district and OR Tambo International airport. Coupled with this, in 2007 the City began constructing an ambitious Bus Rapid Transit System (BRT) known as the “Rea Vaya” (see Fig. 2).

The new systems address speed, efficiency, and traffic decongestion, as well as problems of safety, facilities, and crime that have affected the taxi industry. Crucially, the BRT in particular improves access of marginalised communities to industrial and commercial centers: firstly linking the townships in the south to Johannesburg’s CBD (phase 1A and 1B), and subsequently linking Alexandra township in the north with Sandton and Johannesburg’s CBD (phase 1C). Together with the Gautrain, it is envisioned as a key catalyst for the city’s Transit Orientated Development (TOD) plan for urban regeneration and economic development at transit hubs. Hence two BRT routes (phase 1B and 1C) will become “corridors” of mixed-use development.

In contrast to the BRT, the Gautrain, in catering purely for the affluent car owner/user, from a social perspective clearly suffers from the criticism of class/mobility-related exclusion; although this could be offset by a BRT system that, unlike the Gautrain where there is no clarity in providing mixed-income residential development around its stations, clearly allows for mixed-income along BRT corridors.

Nonetheless, on the whole, both projects direct growth toward former white group areas which are developed, and not toward new corridor and nodal development in previously underdeveloped areas; and so they also do not remove the burden of excessive and reverse commuting. The terminal infrastructure developments of both projects, too, are located away from the marginal communities’ location.

Other issues include the sustained opposition by some organisations within the taxi industry, which the BRT wishes to absorb, and the high cost of the BRT (R35 million / US$ 3.5 million per km, and at least R7 million / US$ 700,000 per BRT station). It is unclear how much investment was essential for the long-term operational sustainability of the project, and how much could also have been creatively employed for the project to balance other more social priority purposes.

At first glance the Gautrain/BRT initiative appears a master-stroke of integrative urban transport; yet while it is still incomplete and without a full-scale evaluation of its impact, particularly for poor neighbourhoods and travel patterns, from a social perspective, the jury is still out.

Fig. 1: Early twentieth century electric trams (Beavon 2001)
Fig. 2: Historic racial segregation, with new BRT and Gautrain routes (map by author)

Olatawura Ladipo-Ajayi, Lagos Community Manager

Lagos is a small city with a large population. Lagos state is the smallest in Nigeria, with an area of 356,861 hectares of which 75,755 hectares are wetlands, yet it has over 5 percent of the national population, making it the most populous state in the nation. The city is overpopulated and still growing, with a growth rate of 8 percent. This issue causes congestion problems in various facets of city life, but most especially in transportation. Lagos is notorious for its heavy traffic, where a 30-minute journey can take two hours on a weekday. Congestion saps the population of energy, contributes to an unhealthy lifestyle, and generally makes for a less productive workforce.

In 2008, Governor Fashola’s state government introduced the Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) scheme through the Lagos Metropolitan Transport Authority (LAMATA) to improve road transport system and ultimately reduce congestion. The new fleet of buses were designed to be more comfortable, and introduced an organised system of public transportation. The pilot BRT transport scheme runs through 22 km of exclusive lanes, providing faster transport at affordable prices for commuters. Since its inception, a lot of positive impact has been recorded. Highlights recorded by the World Bank include:

• Reduction in time and money spent by poor households on travel from 90 minutes and 150 Naira in 2003, to 23 minutes and 100 Naira in June 2009.

• Money spent by poor households on public transportation was reduced from 17 percent of all spending in 2003 to 11 percent in June 2009.

• Average pilot bus route waiting time at terminal was reduced from 20 minutes in 2003 to 10 minutes in June 2009.

Significant progress is being made to solve the problem of public transportation for Lagos residents. Recently, the state Governor Fashola introduced an e-ticketing system to the BRT scheme to create a more efficient and people-friendly transport ticketing system in the city. The system allows for certain groups to pay as low as 20 Naira (approximately 12 cents) for short distance commutes, and allows for purchase of weekly tickets, making public road infrastructure more attractive.

However effective the fleets of buses are, they need to be augmented by more transport alternatives. The city is blessed with waterways and rail tracks — it would be interesting to see how much less congestion on city roads could be achieved if other modes of transportation infrastructure are put in place (the rail system is in the process of being revived). More ferries on the waterways and intra-city rail transport would go a long way in road decongestion. Creating a system with wider reach would produce a system more efficient at reducing road congestion.

The state is aware of the need for alternatives and is partnering with organisations to propose alternative transport infrastructures. The World Bank, joined by the Agence Française de Développement, is working with LAMATA to prepare the Lagos Urban Transport Project 2 to meet some of this demand and to extend the BRT routes. The BRT project extension is expected to be completed by December, 2014. Ultimately, LAMATA plans to expand the BRT system strategically along eight different corridors within the city. Hopefully recorded success does not lead to agencies relaxing their resolve, and that the improvement of the BRT system is a continuous goal of the state government.

Photo credit: Tolu Talabi

Carlin Carr, Mumbai Community Manager

Mumbai’s commuter woes are as oft discussed as scores to the latest cricket match. They are griped about daily and exchanged with fervor. Gridlock, overcrowded trains, non-existent east-west routes dominate the discussion and so do the controversial solutions on the table: sealinks, flyovers, monorails. Transportation activists such as Rishi Aggarwal, a research fellow at the Observer Research Foundation (ORF) and member of the Mumbai Transport Forum (MTF), says that one of the major issues is that there is no integrated approach to planning, leaving commuters with ad hoc, disconnected systems.

Yet a solution from Chennai offers a comprehensive example for Mumbai on how to move toward sustainable, comprehensive mobility. In August, Shreya Gadepalli, of the Institute for Transportation Development Policy (ITDP), presented her work with a new initiative, the Chennai Unified Metropolitan Transport Authority (CUMTA), at the ORF to share the progress Chennai has made and how it might apply to Mumbai.

Importantly, CUMTA members include a cross-section of all different government authorities responsible for transportation, centralizing collaborative decision-making to move the organization’s goal forward. And the goal is ambitious: to achieve a modal shift away from car-centric transport to public transport, focusing on walking and cycling as dominant modes.

CUMTA held a workshop in January 2013 to move forward its efforts. The members divided into four working groups, focusing on:

• CUMTA as an agent of change

• Developing an integrated, high quality bus and BRT network for Chennai

• Improving streets and public realm

• Management of road space and travel demand

Since then, the group has already taken important steps to reclaim road space for pedestrians where there was little or none in the past. In fact, a large-scale cycle network strategy is part of the plan. The main cycle path will take advantage of Chennai’s seaside location, stretching for miles up the coast with connecting points to many neighborhoods and the stations along the way. There will be an extensive cycle-sharing program with less than a 300-meter walk to a cycle sharing station in the network.

“We are always keen to learn from New York and London, so for a change, we will learn from Chennai,” says Aggarwal, who has also founded the Walking Project in Mumbai to promote better walking conditions and sidewalks in the city.

One of the biggest achievements from Chennai, says Gadepalli, who emphasizes that there is “nothing on the ground to show right now,” is that there is a consensus from the highest levels in the city on implementing more sustainable approaches: “If you speak to people, there is a sea change in how they perceive things. If you go and ask anyone, the only thing they are talking about these days is how to create better facilities for pedestrians and improving public transport.”

To watch Shreya Gadepalli’s full presentation, click here.

Photo credit: Satish Krishnamurthy

লেখকঃ নিশা কারকি

অনুবাদকঃ নুসরাত ইয়াসমিন এবং ফারজানা নওশিন

বিশ্ব ব্যাংক এক জরিপে বলেছে যে, বাংলাদেশে দরিদ্র (মাথাপিছু আয়২ ডলার) মানুষের সংখ্যা ২৬ শতাংশ কমে গিয়েছে অর্থাৎ যা ২০০০ সালে ছিল ৬,৩০,০০০০০ সেটি ২০১০ সালে কমে ৪,৭০,০০০০০ হয়েছে। যদিও বাংলাদেশের অর্থনৈতিক উন্নতি প্রতি বছর ১% করে বাড়ছে তারপরও গরীব ও মধ্যবিত্তের মধ্যে অর্থনৈতিক বৈষম্য এখনো আছে। এই অর্থনৈতিক বৈষম্যতা মধ্যবিত্ত ও গরীবদের মধ্যে সরকার প্রদানকৃত যানবাহন ব্যবস্থার উপর প্রভাব বিস্তার করে। জনাব মান্নান এর মতে, ঢাকার যানবাহন পরিস্থিতি উচ্চ আয়ের পরিবারের জন্য বেশী প্রযোজ্য এবং সুবিধাজনক। ঢাকায় যেসব পরিবারের নিজস্ব মোটরযান আছে তাদের ৬৬% মানুষেরই আয় ৩০,০০০ টাকার বেশী। অন্যদিকে, নিম্ন আয়ের জনগোষ্ঠীর মোটরবিহীন গণপরিবহন ব্যবহার করার প্রবনতা বেশী। এ কারণে এ সমস্ত যানবাহনে অতিরিক্ত ভীড় থাকে; বিশেষ করে মহিলা এবং শিশুদের জন্য এসব যানবাহন ব্যবহার করা অস্বস্তিকর করে পড়ে। সি.এন.জি, নিজস্ব গাড়ী এবং বাস অতিরিক্ত ব্যবহারের কারণে শহুরে জনগোষ্ঠী গণপরিবহনের মান কমিয়ে দিয়েছে; উপরন্তু, রিকশা এবং বাইসাইকেলেরও মান কমে গিয়েছে।

১৯৬১ অধ্যাদেশে সপ্তম নম্বরের অধীনে বাংলাদেশ রোড ট্রান্সপোর্ট কর্পোরেশন (বি.আর.টি.সি) প্রতিষ্ঠিত হয়েছিল। এটি বাংলাদেশ সরকারের স্বীকৃত পরিবহন কর্পোরেশন যা সকল শ্রেণীর মানুষের জন্য সস্তা এবং আরামদায়ক ভ্রমন ব্যবস্থা প্রদানের জন্য প্রতিষ্ঠিত হয়। বর্তমানে বাংলাদেশে বি.আর.টি.সি এর ১,১১৬ টি বাস পুরো বাংলাদেশে চলাচল করছে কিন্তু এগুলো ৪৭ মিলিয়ন (প্রায় ২৬ শতাংশ) দরিদ্র মানুষের পরিবহন চাহিদা মিটাতে যথেষ্ট নয়।

অনুরূপভাবে, কার্যকরী, সাশ্রয়ী মূল্যে পরিবহন ব্যবস্থা প্রদানের লক্ষ্যে বাংলাদেশ সরকার বিশ্ব ব্যাংকের সহায়তায় ঢাকা নগর পরিবহন প্রকল্প (DUTP) প্রতিষ্ঠিত করেছে। খন্দকার ও রাউসের মতে, ডি.ইউ.টি.পি. ফ্লাইওভার নির্মাণের মাধ্যমে প্রধান সড়কে যানবাহন চলাচলের উন্নতিসাধন করেছে; যদিও বাস্তবে এর দ্বারা পুরুষ যাত্রীগণ, উচ্চবিত্ত মানুষ এবং মোটরগাড়ী-মালিকবৃন্দ প্রধানত উপকৃত হচ্ছে। বস্তুত, নিম্ন আয়ের মানুষ, যাদের যানবাহন ছিল পরিবহন সাশ্রয়ী রিকশা, তাদের ফ্লাইওভার নির্মাণকালীন সময়ে কষ্টভোগ করতে হয়েছিল। ক্ষুদ্র পুঁজিবাদীদের উপর এই প্রকল্পের পর্যাপ্ত বিচার-বিশ্লেষণের অভাবের ফলে দরিদ্র জীবনে ব্যাপক ক্ষতিসাধন হয়েছে।

দরিদ্র এবং মধ্যবিত্ত শ্রেণীর মধ্যে পরিবহন পরিকাঠামোগত ফাঁক কমানোর জন্য বাংলাদেশ সরকারকে গণপরিবহন, যেমন-রেলওয়ে বা স্বল্প দামী পাবলিক বাসের সংখ্যা বৃদ্ধি করতে হবে। সকল প্রকার পরিবহনের সেবা চার্জ যেন সব শ্রেণীর জন্য সহজলভ্য হয় সেদিকে নজর রাখতে হবে। এক বিবৃতিতে ওয়ার্ল্ড ব্যাংক বলে, “পরিবহন বিধি যা মোটরবিহীন-চালিত যানবাহন ব্যবহারের প্রচার চালায় তা সাধারণত সেই জনগোষ্ঠীর সরাসরি কল্যাণ সাধন করে যারা মোটরচালিত যানবাহন ব্যবহারে সামর্থ্য নয়।” তাই সরকারের মোটরবিহীন-চালিত যানবাহন ব্যবহারের প্রতি বিশেষ দৃষ্টি রাখতে হবে। উদাহরণস্বরূপ, রিকশা এবং বাইসাইকেলের উপর থেকে কর সরিয়ে ফেলা বা হ্রাস করা এবং পারকিং এর জন্য খালি স্থান তৈরী করতে হবে। ভবিষ্যতে পরিবহন প্রকল্প গঠনের সময় যেমনঃ ডি.ইউ.টি.পি.(DUTP), দরিদ্রদের উপর নেতিবাচক এবং ইতিবাচক প্রভাব কীরূপ পড়ছে তা পরিকল্পনাকারীকে ও সরকারকে অবশ্যই খেয়াল রাখতে হবে। উন্নয়ন প্রকল্পগুলোর ধনীদের উপকার করার পাশাপাশি সরাসরি দরিদ্রদের জীবনযাত্রার মান উন্নয়ন করা উচিত।

Photo credit: Robert Monestel

Nisha Karki, Dhaka Community Manager

The World Bank has stated that the number of Bangladeshis living in poverty, with a per capita income of less than $2 a day, has declined from 63 million in 2000 to 47 million (26 percent of the overall Bangladeshi population) in 2010. Though Bangladesh has successfully upgraded its economic growth rate every decade by one percent, there is still a huge economic gap between the poor and the middle class. This economic gap causes inequality regarding the transportation facilities provided to the rich and to the poor. According to Md. Shafiqul Mannan, the Dhaka transportation system favors high-income households. Sixty-six percent of the households with private motor vehicles belong to the income group higher than 30,000 BDT. In contrast, low-income groups have a higher tendency to choose non-motorized vehicles (rickshaws and bicycles). Public transportation is usually uncomfortable, crowded, overloaded, and difficult to access for poor women and children. The middle-class use of compressed natural gas-powered auto-rickshaws, private cars and buses has led to a decrease in service and quality of public transportation and non-motorized vehicles, such as rickshaws and bicycles.

Under the ordinance No. VII of 1961, the Bangladesh Road Transport Corporation (BRTC) was established as a government corporate transport body to provide cheap and comfortable travel for all groups of people. Currently, there are 1,116 BRTC buses running all over Bangladesh, but this number is not sufficient to provide the desired services for the 47 million poor people who live in Bangladesh.

In order to create efficient, affordable, and sustainable transport, the Bangladesh government, in collaboration with the World Bank, established the Dhaka Urban Transport Project (DUTP). According to Khandoker and Rouse, the DUTP has brought improvements in the flow of traffic along main roads by constructing flyovers. However, the benefits were felt mainly by private bus users and car owners, not the poor. Indeed, lower-income people were excluded since non-motorized vehicles such as rickshaws were banned during the construction period. Lack of careful examination and analysis of the impact of this project on poor stakeholders caused negative impacts on the lives of the poor.

To minimize gaps between the transportation infrastructure for the poor and the middle class, the Bangladesh government needs to increase the number of public transportation options that are less expensive, such as railways or public buses. Ticket prices for all kinds of transportation should be monitored to ensure that they are affordable for all. As the World Bank stated, “Transport interventions that promote the use of non-motorized transport usually contribute directly to the welfare of those people who cannot afford motorized transport.” Therefore, the government needs to provide special attention to the uses and benefits of non-motorized vehicles. For example, taxes on rickshaws and bicycles should be removed or reduced, and free lanes should be created for parking non-motorized vehicles. When designing transportation projects such as DUTP, planners and the government must take into account the effects that these projects will have on the poor.

Photo credit: Robert Monestel

Widya Anggraini, Jakarta Contributor

Many of Jakarta’s residents use Kopaja buses to get around, a 25-seat minibus that is cheap and serves the whole city. Kopaja is owned by a private cooperation established in the 1970s but currently faces a number issues regarding safety, comfort, pollution, and poor maintenance. The government is therefore intervening to integrate Kopaja with the Transjakarta busway system and to rejuvenate the bus conditions. The government is planning to add 1000 Kopaja buses, provide better service, switch to more eco-friendly gas, and subsidize the corporation so that prices remain affordable.

KOPAJA! Siapa orang Jakarta yang tidak tahu tentang Kopaja. Bis ukuran sedang dengan kapasitas 25 orang yang sering digunakan sebagai angkutan umum oleh masyarakat awam. Ia disukai karena murah dengan tarif Rp 3.000, untuk jarak dekat maupun jauh. Kopaja dimiliki oleh perusahaan penyedia jasa angkutan umum bernama Koperasi Angkutan Jakarta yang telah berdiri sejak 1970an. Masyarakat kecil yang tidak mampu membeli kendaraan pribadi cukup terbantu dengan keberadaan Kopaja dan Metromini yang memiliki rute lengkap dan tersebar di Jakarta Pusat, Barat, Utara, Timur dan Selatan meski dengan kompromi kurangnya rasa nyaman. Karenanya saat ini Pemerintah Jakarta melakukan intervensi terhadap keberadaan Kopaja dengan membantu proses peremajaan bis hingga penyediaan subsidi; menyediakan armada bis baru dan integrasi dengan jalur busway Transjakarta.

Sebagai angkutan umum, Kopaja sering mendapat sorotan negatif dikarenakan alasan: Pertama, penumpang Kopaja sering berlebih hingga dua kali lipat sehingga rawan kejahatan seperti pencurian dan pelecehan. Kedua, Kopaja juga dianggap jauh dari aman sebab sering kali alat kemudi dan pengukur kecepatan yang seadanya. Banyak pengemudi mobil pribadi yang merasa terancam sebab cara menyetir sopir Kopaja yang ugal-ugalan dan sering melanggar rambu-rambu lalu lintas dan membahayakan pengguna jalan lain. Ketiga, Kopaja merupakan penyumbang besar polusi perkotaan disebabkan buruknya sistem pembuangan karbon yang cukup membahayakan bagi manusia dan lingkungan.

Mengingat peran strategi Kopaja dalam menyediakan angkutan umum yang murah maka pemerintah DKI Jakarta akan mulai membenahi infrastruktur dan kondisi Kopaja. Untuk saat ini pemerintah DKI Jakarta sedang berupaya mengintegrasikan antara keberadaan Kopaja dan Busway misalnya dengan penggunaan jalur Transjakarta yang cenderung “istimewa” untuk jalur Kopaja. Transjakarta sendiri adalah moda transportasi baru yang mulai berjalan sejak tahun 2004. Keberadaan Transjakarta disambut positif oleh masyarakat sebab ia bebas macet, memiliki kursi yang nyaman, berpendingin, dan relative aman dibanding menggunakan Kopaja meski harga hampir dua kali lebih mahal. Meski demikian Transjakarta belum memiliki jalur sebanyak Kopaja sehingga integrasi Kopaja ke jalur Transjakarta akan sangat membantu dalam memperluas jaringan pelayanan Transjakarta.

Untuk itu, Kopaja yang menggunakan jalur busway haruslah bis-bis yang secara fisik telah sesuai standar yang ditetapkan oleh pihak Transjakarta misalnya dilengkapi dengan AC dan kursi yang lebih nyaman dan mesin yang layak. Untuk saat ini bis yang sudah diintegrasikan di jalur busway adalah Kopaja AC bernomor rute S.13, P20, S13 dan S602. Harga tiket Kopaja AC dibuat sama dengan Transjakarta sehingga penumpang dapat menggunakan tiket yang sama untuk kedua moda transportasi tersebut.

Selanjutnya untuk memperbaiki kualitas Kopaja yang beroperasi di Jakarta, Kopaja berencana secara mandiri akan meremajakan unit-unit bisnya. Sejak Januari hingga Mei 2013 kurang lebih ada 77 unit Kopaja yang sudah tertangani dan masih ada sekitar 1.479 unit Kopaja regular yang belum mengalami perbaikan. Untuk itu Kopaja berencana bekerjasama dengan pemerintah dan berupaya memperoleh subsidi untuk peremajaan bis. Terkait hal tersebut Guberbur DKI Jakarta, Joko Widodo, juga telah menyampaikan inisiatifnya untuk peremajaan Kopaja dengan melakukan uji kelayakan dan mengganti bis-bis yang sudah tidak layak pakai. Jokowi sendiri berjanji akan menambah 1000 unit Kopaja baru di akhir tahun ini untuk meningkatkan pelayanan kepada masyarakat serta mengkonversi Kopaja dengan Bahan Bakar Gas untuk menekan biaya bahan bakar dan mengurangi pencemaran udara.

Foto: XXVIII

Catalina Gomez, Coordenadora da Rede em Rio de Janeiro

Segundo Rio Como Vamos, a insatisfação dos cariocas com a mobilidade e o transporte público da cidade vem crescendo nos últimos anos. A mais recente pesquisa da Rio Como Vamos foi feita em 2013 previamente aos protestos de Junho. Para compreender aquela insatisfação coletiva é importante conhecer melhor as condições do sistema de transporte público da cidade para identificar suas fraquezas e potenciais soluções.

Iniciemos com o metrô. Embora ele tenha sido inaugurado faz quase 35 anos atrás e apresente um atendimento médio de 650 mil pessoas durante um dia útil, ele está subutilizado. Por exemplo, ele tem só 35 estações em quanto o de São Paulo, tem 62 e aquele de Buenos Aires tem 86. Também existem queixas constantes sobre a superlotação, contribuindo a percursos incômodos e inseguros.

A Prefeitura reporta que perto de seis por cento dos passageiros da cidade é transportada pelo metro, enquanto os ônibus transportam 70 por cento da população com uma frota de 9 mil veículos. As vans transportam perto de 17 por cento da população. Mais o principal problema com os ônibus e vans é que eles têm que compartilhar as limitadas ruas com automóveis particulares. Só nos últimos três anos o número de carros na cidade aumentou em 225 mil. Preocupações adicionais incluem a insegurança dos percursos noturnos e os tempos de espera. Especificamente com o novo BRT, embora ele tenha sido bem recebido pelos cidadãos, ainda apresenta desafios de melhora incluindo a redução da superlotação, a falta de ar acondicionado e ventilação e acessibilidade adequada da frota.

Num evento recente do Rio Como Vamos, o Secretario de Transporte, Carlos Osório falou que “2013 será o pior ano para o transito, face às 92 intervenções sendo realizadas”. Aquelas obras temporárias esperam se converter em melhoras de longo prazo para a cidade, incluindo a expansão do metro para a zona sul do Rio, melhoras nos elevadores e outras reformas que favorecem a acessibilidade nas estações do metrô, além da incorporação de novos trens para reduzir os intervalos de serviço. A cidade também vai a implantar um conjunto de câmaras para monitorar em tempo real o sistema de ônibus e garantir mais seguridade durante os percursos noturnos e conseguir identificar problemas recorrentes e soluções pertinentes.

Embora Rio seja considerado uma cidade com um sistema de transporte bem estabelecido e completo, sua infraestrutura e respetiva operação é inadequada. Algumas soluções no curto prazo incluem o desenvolvimento de medidas de manutenção mais eficientes nas estações, trens e ônibus da frota municipal. Outras soluções mais complexas e de logo prazo incluem a redução do uso do carro particular, por meio da incorporação de taxas especiais de uso. Outras ações de longo prazo que precisam ser debatidas mais amplamente incluem o dimensionamento do transporte e a mobilidade do Rio como um tema metropolitano, não municipal. Este debate é chave para assegurar os recursos e o gerenciamento adequado do sistema.

Foto: Severino Silva

Catalina Gomez, Rio de Janeiro Community Manager

According to Rio Como Vamos, the unhappiness of residents about mobility and transportation infrastructure in Rio is on the rise. The most recent research was carried out in 2013, before the June protests started. To explain this collective disapproval, it is worth taking a closer look at the city’s public transportation system to better understand its failures and some of its potential solutions.

Let’s start with the metro. Although it was inaugurated almost 35 years ago and currently serves an average of 650,000 people on a weekday, it is considered to be below its full potential. For example, the system has only 35 stations, while the similar metro system in São Paulo has 62 stations, and the one in Buenos Aires has 86. In addition, there are constant complaints about the long intervals between trains, contributing to crowding, discomfort, and safety concerns both in stations and on the train.

The local government reports that six percent of the city’s total passengers use the metro, while buses, with a fleet of more than 9,000 vehicles, are responsible for carrying 70 percent of them. Vans are another transportation modality that account for almost 17 percent of citizen transportation. The main problem with buses and vans is that they share the limited city roads with an increasing number of passenger cars. In the last three years alone, there were an additional 225,000 new cars on Rio’s roads. Additional concerns regarding buses and vans include safety at night, and overall waiting time. Although the new BRT has been positively received by residents, challenges remain related to overcrowding, lack of proper ventilation, and accessibility.

In a recent event organized by Rio Como Vamos, Carlos Osório, the city’s secretary of transportation, mentioned that “2013 will be the worst year for transit purposes, as there are more than 92 transportation works around the city.” These temporary works are aimed at improving the city’s transportation in the long term, including an ambitious expansion of the metro line towards the city’s southern area, the installation of elevators and other accessibility features in most stations, and the incorporation of new metro trains in order to reduce the intervals of train service. In addition, the city will implement a network of cameras to monitor the provision of bus service in real time, to ensure security during night shifts, and to find and correct recurring service problems.

Even though Rio could be considered to have a well-established and complete transportation system, its current infrastructure and the way it is operated are not enough to ensure that it functions adequately. Some short-term solutions would be to put in place better and more regular maintenance efforts of all stations, trains, and buses from the municipal fleet. Other more complex long-term measures include reducing the use of cars by incorporating fees and other taxes on their users, especially in the city center. Another long-term task that needs to be further explored is moving away from a municipal scope to a metropolitan understanding of mobility and transportation in the Rio area, thereby ensuring proper resource management that takes into account the dimensions and demands of such a complex system.

Photo credit: Severino Silva

Jorge Bela, Gestor Comunitario de Bogotá

Bogotá ha ganado el premio a liderazgo urbano en su categoría de transporte. Los premios, de los cuales este año se celebra su primera edición, son otorgados por el grupo C40 y por Siemens, a través de su fundación Crystal. El premio de liderazgo en transporte busca identificar proyectos o iniciativas que mejoren la situación medioambiental, medidos en términos de fomento de cambio en los modos de transporte y de la reducción de la emisión de gases causantes del efecto invernadero.

Para los conocedores de la situación actual en Bogotá la recepción del premio supone inicialmente una sorpresa. La ausencia de metro y la presencia de busetas sin ningún control de emisiones son dos realidades que saltan inmediatamente a la vista. El sistema Transmilenio, que ha servido de modelo de transporte rápido mediante autobuses a varias ciudades del mundo, se encuentra a tope de su capacidad y los proyectos de ampliación se han visto ralentizados por problemas de corrupción, retrasos y sobrecostes.

Aunque la situación actual dista mucho de ser buena, el premio se ha otorgado a un proyecto actualmente en marcha y que puede redundar en una mejora significativa de la situación medioambiental. En primer lugar, está previsto que 200 autobuses híbridos comiencen a circular por Bogotá a partir del 15 de diciembre. Los buses, marca Volvo, son fabricados en Brasil y ensamblados en Colombia. Podrán circular tanto por los carriles de alta velocidad del Transmilenio como por rutas convencionales, pues tienen puertas a ambos lados. Está previsto que circulen por la Carrera 7º, una de las principales de la ciudad y por la que en la actualidad solo circulan busetas y coches particulares. Una vez que los autobuses híbridos comiencen a circular por esta carrera, sus elevados niveles de contaminación descenderán de forma significativa. Estos buses no necesitan conectarse a la red eléctrica para recargarse.

La segunda iniciativa tomada en consideración para otorgar el premio es el lanzamiento de un programa piloto de taxis completamente eléctricos, es decir, de emisión cero. Este programa piloto contempla hasta un máximo de 50 taxis, de los cuales 12 ya han sido presentados y comenzarán a circular en los próximos días. Para su recarga se están construyendo estaciones de recarga específicas. En Bogotá hay más de 50.000 taxis, un número elevadísimo, sobre todo si consideramos que este modo de transporte es el que genera más gases de efecto invernadero por pasajero de todos los existentes. La hipotética sustitución de un número significativo de los taxis impulsados por gas gasolina a otros eléctricos tendría un impacto considerable.

Aunque no se consideró a la hora de otorgar los premios, Bogotá está finalizando los estudios previos para la construcción del metro y está planificando una ampliación significativa del Transmilenio, sustituyendo de esta forma a las contaminantes busetas. Si todos estos proyectos llegan a buen puerto, en pocos años la situación ambiental de Bogotá mejorará dramáticamente. Esperemos que así sea.

Fotos: Miguel Matus

Jorge Bela, Bogotá Community Manager

Bogotá just won the City Climate Leadership Award for transportation. The award, still on its first edition, is sponsored by the C40 group and Siemens, through its Crystal Initiative. The leadership award in transportation seeks to identify projects or initiatives aimed at improving the environmental quality of the cities for which they are intended. The methodology used to measure such improvement is based on modal shift or the reduction of greenhouse gases (GHG).

For anyone familiar with the current situation of transportation in Bogotá the award might come as a surprise. It is striking considering the lack of a metro system and the still widespread presence of small buses (busetas, as locals call them), which seem to be free of any emissions controls, as they spew thick clouds of black smoke. Even if the rapid bus transportation system, Transmileno, has been very successful and even taken as a model by large cities elsewhere in Latin America and Asia, it is now operating at full capacity. Expansion projects have been plagued by corruption, delays, and cost overruns.

Even if the current situation is far from ideal, the award was granted to a project, currently being implemented, with a considerable potential to improve the environmental conditions in Bogotá. The project seeks to introduce hybrid buses and zero emissions taxis by the end of 2013. To this end, 200 hybrid buses have been purchased and are expected to start running in late December. These Volvo buses are built in Brazil and assembled in Colombia, and they do not need to recharge in the grid. They can be used in Transmilenio express lanes as well as in regular streets, as they have doors on both sides. They will first be deployed on a new line that crosses the city from south to north, including a long stretch on 7th Avenue, one of Bogota’s most emblematic. Once the hybrid buses replace the highly polluting minibuses which now serve 7th Avenue, the air quality in the area will improve significantly.

The zero emissions taxi pilot project plans to introduce 50 electric taxis. The first 12 taxis have already been officially presented by authorities and are expected to start operating in the next few weeks. Charging stations are being built in strategic locations, and the first one is already operating. Taxis generate the highest volume of GHG per passenger of all transportation modes, and Bogotá has more than 50,000 of them. The replacement of a significant number of gasoline or natural gas taxis by electric units would have a considerable impact on overall city pollution.

Although it was not taken into consideration for the awards, Bogotá is in the final planning stages for its first metro system. It is also planning to substantially expand the Transmilenio system. These two mega-projects will all but eliminate the highly polluting busetas from most of the city. If all of these projects are successfully implemented, the environmental situation in Bogotá will have improved dramatically. Let’s hope that it does.

Photo credit: Miguel Matus

Latin America is the most urbanized region in the world, with an average urbanization rate of 80 percent. Many of the region’s cities are developing quickly and becoming important economic, cultural and touristic hubs. In spite of this growth and development, and the fact that poverty rates have been declining, 25 percent of Latin America’s urban residents still live in poverty. URB.im would like to encourage the debate around solutions to tackle poverty, foster inclusion and promote broader channels of participation, to bring about more just and inclusive cities in Latin America.

Join the conversation with our four panelists: Enrique Betancourt, Co-founder of Contextual and Former Deputy Director of Social Policies, Office of the President (Mexico); Paula Moreno, Former Minister of Culture and President, Corporación Manos Visibles (Colombia); Angela Franco, Vice-President of Research at the Universidad del Valle (Colombia); and Jorge Barbosa, Director, Favela Observatory (Brazil).

Con una tasa de urbanización del 80 por ciento, América Latina es la región más urbanizada del planeta. Varias ciudades de la región se están desarrollando rápidamente y se están consolidando como importantes centros económicos, culturales y turísticos. A pesar de dicho crecimiento y desarrollo, y aunque la pobreza ha venido disminuyendo, se estima que el 25 por ciento de los habitantes de las ciudades Latinoamericanas viven en condiciones de pobreza. URB.im quiere generar un espacio de intercambio de experiencias y reflexiones sobre esfuerzos de reducción de pobreza y la promoción de la inclusión y la participación social, los cuales están contribuyendo a que las ciudades Latinoamericanas sean más justas e incluyentes.

Únanse a la conversación con nuestros cuatro participantes invitados: Enrique Betancourt, Cofundador de Contextual y Ex Director Adjunto de Política Social de la Presidencia (México); Paula Moreno, Exministra de Cultura y Presidenta, la Corporación Manos Visibles (Colombia); Angela Franco, Vicerrectora de Investigaciones de la Universidad del Valle (Colombia); y Jorge Barbosa, Director, Observatorio de las Favelas (Brasil).

América Latina é a região mais urbanizada do planeta com uma taxa de urbanização de 80 por cento. Varias cidades da região estão se desenvolvendo rapidamente e estão se tornando importantes centros econômicos, culturais e turísticos. Embora aquele crescimento e desenvolvimento, é o fato que a pobreza vem diminuindo, ainda o 25 por cento da população das cidades Latino-americanas experimentam condições de pobreza. URB.im gostaria de incentivar o debate em torno às soluções no combate da pobreza e da exclusão e dos mecanismos para ampliar os cais de participação das cidades Latino-americanas para que sejam mais justas e inclusivas.

Participe na conversação com nossos quarto debatedores: Enrique Betancourt, Cofundador de Contextual e Ex-assessor Presidencial de Politicas Sociais (México); Paula Moreno, Ex-ministra de Cultura e Presidente, Corporación Manos Visibles (Colombia); Angela Franco, Vice-presidente de Pesquisa da Universidad del Valle (Colombia); e Jorge Barbosa, Diretor, Observatório de Favelas (Brasil).

Enrique Betancourt, Co-founder of Contextual and Former Deputy Director of Social Policies, Office of the President (Mexico)

Latin America is the most urbanized of all developing regions. On its own, this fact could mean good news, as historically, cities have been able to reduce poverty rates and gender inequality, and have achieved substantial improvements in access to education, justice, and health services, among other benefits.

However, the quantitative data is insufficient to explain the challenges that Latin American cities are facing. The quality and speed with which the urbanization process has taken place complements this picture, explaining why urbanization was characterized by inequality, socioeconomic segregation, and precarious provision of social services and basic infrastructure. The scenario is even less encouraging when considering the institutional weaknesses in most of our region’s local governments, which are further and further away from meeting demand for social services and policies. When reviewing the region’s history of urban development and demographic trends, the violence that characterizes most cities in the region should not surprise us (42 of the 50 most violent cities in the world are in Latin America).

The future of Latin America’s development is closely linked to the quality with which its social and physical spaces are planned and managed.

In this debate I intend to advocate for the need for a much broader urban paradigm than the one proposed by the urban development practice at the end of the twentieth century, which focuses on planning the uses, densities, housing, and basic infrastructure.

The central proposal of my argument rests on the fact that urban issues should not be considered only a vertical of public policy like education, health, culture, sports, or economic development, but as cross-cutting policy, which would allow the “territorializing” (focusing on the territory) of other public policies.

This focus on the territory is based on three fundamental premises:

• Work from the intersection of the social strata, space, and their corresponding vertical public policy areas (such as health, education, etc.).

• Align national and sub-national policies to plan and manage on three simultaneous scales: regional, urban/metropolitan, and neighborhood.

• Define the mechanisms that allow the implementation of urban policies under a clear framework of social participation that prioritizes the public good and technical solutions over mere politics.

Enrique Betancourt is the cofounder of Contextual, an agency that develops creative solutions to urban problems through collaborative processes. His work focuses on the intersection between research, public policy design, and implementation. Previously, Enrique was the Head of the National Center for Crime Prevention and Citizen Participation, as well as the Deputy Director of Social Policy at the Office of the Presidency of Mexico. He studied architecture at the Universidad de las Américas Puebla, holds a Masters in Urbanism from Harvard University, and is a Yale World Fellow.

Enrique Betancourt, Cofundador de Contextual y Ex Director Adjunto de Política Social de la Presidencia (México)

América Latina es la región en vías de desarrollo más urbanizada del mundo. El hecho en sí mismo podría anunciar buenas noticias, pues las ciudades han llegado, a lo largo de la historia, acompañadas de reducciones importantes en índices de pobreza, desigualdad de género y mejoras sustanciales respecto al acceso a educación, justica y servicios de salud entre otros beneficios.

Sin embargo el dato cuantitativo resulta insuficiente para explicar el reto que representa la vida en las ciudades de nuestra región. La calidad y la velocidad con la que ha sucedido el proceso de urbanización complementan el panorama y terminan por explicar como éste último se ha caracterizado por la desigualdad, la segregación socioeconómica y la precariedad en la provisión de servicios sociales e infraestructura básica. El escenario resulta menos alentador ante la clara debilidad institucional de la mayoría de los gobiernos locales de la región, quienes se encuentran cada vez más lejos de poder satisfacer la demanda de servicios y políticas sociales. Ante la revisión de la historia de desarrollo urbano y tendencias demográficas no debería sorprender mucho la violencia que caracteriza a la mayoría de las ciudades de la región. (42 de las 50 ciudades mas violentas del mundo son Latinoamericanas).

El futuro del desarrollo de América Latina esta íntimamente ligado a la calidad con la que se planifiquen y gestionen los espacios sociales y físicos de sus ciudades.

En este debate me propongo abogar por la necesidad de un paradigma urbano mucho más amplio que el propuesto por la noción de desarrollo urbana de finales del siglo XX centrada prioritariamente en la planeación de los usos, las densidades, la vivienda y la infraestructura básica.

La propuesta central de mi argumento radica en la necesidad de que los asuntos urbanos no sean considerados únicamente como un área de política pública vertical más como lo son la educación, salud, cultura, deporte, desarrollo económico, sino un política transversal que permita la territorialización de las otras políticas públicas.

Esta territorialización supondría tres premisas fundamentales:

• Trabajar desde la intersección de las capas sociales, espaciales y las correspondientes a cada área de política vertical (salud, educación, etc.)

• Alinear políticas nacionales y sub-nacionales para planear y gestionar en 3 escalas simultaneas: regional, la urbana / metropolitana y la barrial.

• Definir mecanismos que permitan la operación táctica de políticas urbanas bajo un marco definido de participación social que priorice el bien público y las soluciones técnicas por encima de las meramente políticas.

Enrique Betancourt es cofundador de Contextual, una agencia que desarrolla soluciones creativas a problemas urbanos a través de procesos colaborativos. Su trabajo se centra en la intersección que existe entre la investigación, el diseño de políticas públicas y su implementación. Anteriormente fue Titular del Centro Nacional de Prevención del Delito y Participación Ciudadana y Director Adjunto de Política Social en la Oficina de la Presidencia del Gobierno de México. Es Arquitecto por la Universidad de las Américas en Puebla, Maestro en Urbanismo por la Universidad de Harvard y Yale World Fellow.

Paula Moreno, Former Minister of Culture and President, Corporación Manos Visibles (Colombia)

One of the most critical challenges in increasingly urbanized Latin American cities is how to enforce social integration as a strategy to reduce urban violence and promote greater social cohesion and resilience among its citizens. The dynamics of public space not only as a symbol of physical welfare but also as a determinant of equal social relations is a major challenge to be addressed. I would like to mention the case of Medellin, a Colombian city with both a complex history in terms of violence, illegal networks, and segregation, and at the same time the most dynamic cultural and economic nodes, with opportunities for structural social change in the medium term.

Medellin is the clearest example of urban transformation in recent years in Colombia. First, the city’s government has showed continuous political support for and prioritization of social integration. Second, the city has developed comprehensive urban interventions that prioritize social integration as a tool to tackle violence and social degradation. These interventions take the form of urban upgrading programs, which invest not only in improving the physical conditions of low-income neighborhoods, but also in their social capital. Today, after almost a decade of sustained public interventions, one of the most critical components of Medellin’s scheme is not only the architectural icons or the modern transportation systems that the city has built, but the incubation of strengthened social networks that nurture and sustain the physical intervention, and also generate the social fabric to prevent violence and to shape a common project for the city.

Throughout the years, the quality of physical transformation has been complemented by social policies to map and effectively empower social networks. The building capacity strategy, mainly supported by the public administration but also by national and international organizations (e.g. Paisa Joven of GTZ, Picacho Corporation (Ford Foundation) or the projects of Fundación Social or Fundación Suraméricana) strengthened the capacities and roles of commune leaders and organizations. Visible grassroots leaders with administration leadership positions have access to top public and private universities (e.g. EPM Fund), and create a knowledge base that integrates their own territorial views into the academy and the public decision-making process through schemes like participatory security and budgeting. This social architecture, built upon bridging organizations with political advocacy, economic alternatives, and social mobility with a major territorial attachment, has become a major force in tackling criminal networks in the city. (Two examples of bridging organizations of this type are Son Batá and la Elite Hip Hop.)

Paula Moreno is an industrial engineer with experience in social project management, design and implementation of public policies. She was the youngest minister in the history of Colombia and the first Afro-Colombian women to hold a ministerial office. In 2010 she was selected by the Council of the Americas as one of the most influential young leaders in the region for her work on effectively understanding diversity, and by the Black Mayors Association as one of the most influential Black leaders in the world. She founded and is currently serving as president of the Visible Hands Corporation, an NGO focused on practices of effective inclusion for youth at risk and ethnic communities in Colombia. Ms. Moreno holds a Master’s Degree in Management Studies from the University of Cambridge and was a United States Fulbright scholar for the program of urban and regional planning at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT).

Paula Moreno, Exministra de Cultura y Presidenta, la Corporación Manos Visibles (Colombia)

Uno de los desafíos más importantes en el crecimiento de las ciudades latinoamericanas, es cómo promover la integración social como una estrategia para reducir la violencia urbana, además de cómo generar una mayor cohesión social y resiliencia entre sus ciudadanos. La dinámica del espacio público no es sólo un símbolo del bienestar físico, sino también es un factor determinante de las relaciones sociales de igualdad—y se convierte en un desafío importante de abordar. Me gustaría mencionar el caso de Medellín, una ciudad colombiana con una complejidad histórica importante en términos de violencia, redes ilegales y segregación; al mismo tiempo, tiene los nodos culturales y económicos más dinámicos del país y ofrece oportunidades para el cambio social estructural a medio plazo.

Medellín es el ejemplo más claro de la transformación urbana de los últimos años en Colombia. En primer lugar, el gobierno de la ciudad ha mostrado un apoyo político continuo y también ha mostrado prioridad a la integración social. en segundo lugar, la ciudad ha desarrollado intervenciones urbanas integrales que dan prioridad a la integración social como una herramienta para hacer frente a la violencia y a la degradación social. Estas intervenciones se enfocan en programas de mejoramiento urbano, que no sólo invierten en la mejora de las condiciones físicas de los barrios de bajos ingresos, sino también en su capital social. Hoy en día, después de casi una década de intervenciones públicas sostenidas, los componentes más relevantes de Medellín no son sólo los iconos arquitectónicos o los sistemas de transporte modernos que la ciudad ha construido, sino también la incubación de las redes y organizaciones sociales fortalecidas que promueven y mantienen la intervención física, y que también generan el tejido social para prevenir la violencia, y contribuyen a dar forma a un proyecto común para la ciudad.

A través de los años, la calidad de la transformación física se ha complementado con las políticas sociales para formar y capacitar más efectivamente las redes y organizaciones sociales. El desarrollo de la estrategia de capacidad no es únicamente apoyada por la administración pública, sino también por organizaciones internacionales como por ejemplo Paisa Joven de la GTZ y Corporación Picacho de la Fundación Ford, (o los proyectos de la Fundación Social y de la Fundación Suramericana), los cuales fortalecen las capacidades y las funciones de los líderes de las comunas y de las organizaciones sociales locales. Los líderes que son visibles con base social y con posición de liderazgo en la administración, tienen acceso a las mejores universidades públicas y privadas (v.gr., el Fondo EPM). Ellos crean una base de conocimientos integrados a través de sus propios puntos de vista territoriales y crean el proceso de decisiones públicas a través de esquemas como: la seguridad y la creación de presupuestos en forma participativa. Esta es una arquitectura social para crear alianzas entre organizaciones con incidencia política y alternativas económicas. Además, funciona para crear otro tipo de movilidad social con una mayor vinculación territorial que se ha convertido en una fuerza importante para hacer frente a los ciclos de redes criminales en la ciudad.

Paula Moreno es ingeniera industrial con experiencia en gestión de proyectos sociales, diseño e implementación de políticas públicas. Ella fue la primera mujer afrocolombiana en ocupar un cargo ministerial y la más joven en la historia de Colombia. En 2010 fue seleccionada por el Consejo de las Américas como una de las líderes jóvenes y más influyentes de la región por su trabajo en la comprensión de la diversidad. La Black Mayors Association también la destaca como una de las líderes negras más influyentes en el mundo. Ella fundó y es la presidenta de la la Corporación Manos Visibles. La organización es una ONG centrada en las prácticas de inclusión efectiva para los jóvenes en situación de riesgo y de las comunidades étnicas en Colombia. Paula tiene una Maestría en Estudios de Gestión por la Universidad de Cambridge y fue una becaria Fulbright en los Estados Unidos para el programa de planificación urbana y regional en el Instituto de Tecnología de Massachusetts (MIT).

Angela Franco, Vice-President of Research at the Universidad del Valle (Colombia)

One of the biggest challenges we face in Latin America and the Caribbean is the reduction of poverty. We must seek equity levels to counterbalance the disturbing situation of social inequality that characterizes our countries. In this context, urban planning plays a central role. This is because improving the quality of life of families in poverty is directly related to the urban policies of inclusion and neighborhood upgrading, and has a direct relationship with competitive strategies and natural resource management.

Nevertheless, while it seems clear that public policies aimed at these purposes should occupy the front lines of government agendas, the reality is that there is much talk and little is done. But why?

First, I consider that the processes of social inclusion, being long-term processes, are not attractive to those in power who, in the case of Colombia, have four years to show results for their management. Unfortunately, we have seen that there have been few leaders who initiate a program and leave the results to another. Second, the high investment and complexity involved in implementing a program of poverty reduction and neighborhood upgrading is a challenge that only a few people want to take on.

Perhaps this is the result of the indifference of the citizens and their willingness to go along with the projects undertaken by those in power. For example, complaints are not common when the tax money is invested in road infrastructure conducive to private vehicles. It’s a quick way to show immediate results to taxpayers. Neither are there frequent questions from civil society on major social housing schemes, which contribute little to the quality of life of the poorest and least of urban quality.

However, some recent governments in Colombia have shown great commitment and have faced the problem of poverty and social inequality seriously. We should keep in mind the lessons learned from the governments of Antanas Mockus and Enrique Peñalosa in Bogotá, during which civic culture, public space, and school infrastructure left a positive balance in reducing the “social distance” and increasing tolerance and security.

In Medellin, Sergio Fajardo and the subsequent politicians set the goal to change the HDI in the marginal sectors, focusing investments on accessibility, school infrastructure, and the development of programs to create jobs and opportunities.

In Cali, the current mayor Rodrigo Guerrero is designing strategies to direct investment towards informal settlements and the most segregated areas of the city. As a result of the current local government work, the Ford Foundation included Cali in the Just Cities initiative. Now the city is challenged to take this opportunity to reduce inequality and poverty rates. But more important than defining projects and investments, all local actors should seek the empowerment of civil society, unions, academia, and all other stakeholders related to urban development. This empowerment would ensure that proposed projects transcend the current administration and become a navigation chart to achieve a profound change in the city and for its citizens.

Angela Franco is Vice-President of Research at the University Del Valle in Cali, Colombia. She is an architect and an urban planner and holds a MSc in Sociology. Her research projects are focused on informal settlements, urban segregation, and urban renewal processes in downtown areas. In 2012 she did a fellowship in the Special Program for Urban and Regional Studies at MIT, where she was working on international development good practices to explore new topics of analysis and applied research in the Latin America and the Caribbean region.

Angela Franco, Vicerrectora de Investigaciones de la Universidad del Valle (Colombia)

Uno de los mayores desafíos que enfrentamos en América Latina y el Caribe es la reducción de la pobreza. Nuestros esfuerzos se deberían concentrar en procurar mejores niveles de equidad para contrarrestar la alarmante situación de desigualdad social que caracteriza a nuestros países. En este contexto, la planificación urbana tiene un rol central, dado que la acción de mejorar la calidad de vida de las familias que viven en situación de pobreza está directamente relacionada con las legislaciones urbanas de inclusión y el mejoramiento de barrios; además, tiene una relación directa con las estrategias de competitividad y la administración de recursos naturales.

Sin embargo, aunque parece evidente que las políticas públicas dirigidas a estos fines deben estar al frente de las agendas de los gobiernos, la realidad es que se habla mucho y se hace poco, pero ¿por qué?

En primer lugar, considero que los procesos de inclusión social, al ser procesos a largo plazo, no son atractivos para los gobernantes que, en el caso de Colombia, tienen cuatro años para mostrar resultados de su administración. Desafortunadamente, hemos visto como pocos líderes inician un programa para dejarle los resultados a otro. En segundo lugar, la alta inversión y la alta complejidad involucrada en un programa de reducción de pobreza y de mejoramiento de barrios es un reto que sólo pocos quieren asumir.

Tal vez este es el resultado de la indiferencia de los ciudadanos y de su conformidad a los proyectos llevados a cabo por aquellos en posiciones de poder. Por ejemplo, hay muy pocas quejas cuando el dinero de los impuestos se invierte en la infraestructura vial, que beneficia a los vehículos privados. Estas inversiones son una forma rápida de mostrar resultados inmediatos para los contribuyentes. Tampoco, hay cuestionamientos por parte de la sociedad civil sobre los programas de vivienda, los cuales contribuyen poco a la calidad de vida de los más pobres y de los que viven una vida de poca calidad urbana.

Sin embargo, algunos gobiernos locales recientes en Colombia han mostrado un gran compromiso y se han enfrentado seriamente al problema de la pobreza y de la desigualdad social. Se debe tener en cuenta las lecciones aprendidas de los alcaldes Antanas Mockus y de Enrique Peñalosa en Bogotá, durante los cuales la cultura cívica, el espacio público y la infraestructura escolar dejaron un equilibrio positivo en la reducción de la “distancia social” y en el aumento de la tolerancia y de la seguridad.

En Medellín, el alcalde Sergio Fajardo, y los gobernantes siguientes, fijaron la meta de cambiar el Indice de Desarrollo Humano (IDH) en los sectores marginales, centrándose en mayor parte en las inversiones de materia de accesibilidad, la infraestructura escolar y el desarrollo de programas para crear empleos y oportunidades laborales.

En Cali, el alcalde actual, Rodrigo Guerrero, está diseñando estrategias para la inversión directa hacia los asentamientos informales y las áreas más segregadas de la ciudad. En consecuencia de la labor actual de los gobiernos locales, la Fundación Ford incluyó a Cali en la iniciativa, Ciudades Justas. Ahora la ciudad tiene el reto de tomar esta oportunidad para reducir los índices de la desigualdad y de pobreza. Y más que definir inversiones, es más importante que todos los actores locales busquen el empoderamiento de la sociedad civil, los sindicatos, las universidades y demás actores relacionados con el desarrollo urbano. Dicho empoderamiento aseguraría que los proyectos propuestos trasciendan la administración actual y se conviertan en una carta de navegación para lograr un cambio profundo en la ciudad y en los ciudadanos.

Angela Franco es Vicerrectora de Investigaciones de la Universidad del Valle en Cali, Colombia. Es arquitecta, urbanista y tiene Maestría en Sociología. Sus proyectos de investigación se centran en asentamientos informales, la segregación urbana y los procesos de renovación urbana en las áreas del centro de la ciudad. Durante el año 2012 obtuvo una beca de investigación en el Programa Especial de Estudios Urbanos y Regionales en MIT donde trabajó en el desarrollo de buenas prácticas y nuevos temas de análisis y de investigación aplicada en la región de Latinoamérica y el Caribe.

Jorge Luiz Barbosa, Director, Favela Observatory (Brazil)

The territories of our social life are becoming increasingly complex and diverse, especially when we live in cities that keep growing due to concentrated urbanization. The relationship between city, neighborhood, and the day-to-day seems to be a nostalgic experience rather than a reality. In this new urban condition, pluralized identities and new practices emerge to symbolically appropriate space and time. Therefore, the utopia of a more generous city invites us to promote an alternative political space for democracy and citizenship.

To realize the multiple possibilities of a city, the social and political qualities of public space are pivotal. In addition to the State and the Market, there are other dimensions to consider for life in society. In this sense, the role of civil society as a political instrument is necessary to renew the public sphere.

Aristotle considered the human being to be endowed by words. According to him, the use of words contributed to the shift of human beings from “animalistic” to civilization. The doxa (opinion) was the expression of building the community ethos (koinonía) of autonomous and collective beings. This expression led to the construction of an ethical subject in action, with its own space: the Polis.

For us, a serious public sphere is a space of visibility for an individual and for others. But this is only possible if words and actions are used in the exercise of rights. In this vein, the concept of citizenship gains relevant emancipatory elements in the practice of rights, especially regarding the return to the territory of the public political sphere.

The return to the territory is pivotal to political practice once the day-to-day of all beings, all actions, and all human intentions are integrated in established times and spaces. Within a territory, it is possible to recognize collective interests and mobilize joint forces of change.

When trying to determine an agenda to overcome social inequalities, we need to identify the stakeholders that create change. This leads us to recognize that new collective subjects must assume a key role in building effective citizenship policy, especially with regard to overcoming inequalities due to ethnicity, race, gender, and sexual orientation.

Various civil society organizations have a key role in the political process described, especially those working in areas marked by deep social inequalities and reduced participation in the public sphere. The Favela Observatory has been working through its various modes of intervention (urban policy, human rights, education, culture, arts, and communication) to place unprivileged and excluded territories at the center of the political construction of the right to the city, ensuring new actors in these new spaces of political participation.

Jorge Luiz Barbosa is a Professor at the Federal Fluminense University, Director of the Favela Observatory, and co-author of the following books: Favela: Joy and Pain in the City, What is a Favela, Anyway?, The New Carioca, and Cultural Grounds.

Jorge Luiz Barbosa, Diretor do Observatório das Favelas (Brasil)

Os territórios de nossa vida social são cada vez mais complexos e diversos, sobretudo quando vivemos em metrópoles agigantadas pela urbanização concentrada. A relação cidade / bairro / cotidiano do passado parece ser mais uma experiência nostálgica do que uma realidade ainda próxima. Nesta nova condição urbana revelam-se identidades pluralizadas e práticas inteiramente novas de apropriação material e simbólica do espaço e do tempo. Portanto, a utopia de uma cidade mais generosa ainda pulsa e nos convida a promover outro campo político para a democracia e a para a cidadania.

Para a realização das múltiplas possibilidades do viver a cidade se faz indispensável a qualidade social e política do espaço público. Para além do Estado e do Mercado há outras dimensões para pensar a construção de referências para a vida em sociedade. Nesse sentido, a retomada do papel da sociedade civil como instância política é necessária e inadiável para instituir uma renovada esfera pública.

Aristóteles considerava o homem como um ser dotado da palavra. Segundo ele, a partilha das palavras contribuía para o ser humano aceder da animalidade à civilidade, pois a doxa (opinião) era a expressão própria da construção do ethos comunitário (koinonía) de sujeitos autônomos e coletivos. Essa partilha, que conduzia a constituição do sujeito ético em ação, possuía um lugar próprio: a Pólis.

A esfera pública seria, para nós, um espaço da visibilidade de si e do outro. Ou seja, do domínio da alteridade como campo da política. Todavia, só possível de existência tangível com a corporificação da palavra e da ação no exercício de direitos à liberdade. Nesta senda, a concepção cidadania ganha elementos emancipatórios fundamentais como prática de direitos, dentre eles, o retorno ao território com esfera pública da política.

O retorno ao território é o fundamento da prática política, uma vez que o cotidiano de todos os sujeitos, de todas as ações e todas as intenções humanas possui a sua integralidade em espaços/tempos demarcados. No território é possível reconhecer os interesses coletivos, promover pertencimentos e de mobilizar forças plurais de mudança.

E, quando tratamos da elaboração de uma agenda de superação das desigualdades sociais precisamos identificar os atores de sua criação e efetivação. Essa posição nos conduz a reconhecer que novos sujeitos coletivos devem assumir um papel principal na construção política de efetivação de cidadania, sobretudo no que diz respeito à superação de desigualdades que se reproduzem com recortes étnicos, raciais, etários, de gênero e de orientação sexual.

As diferentes organizações da sociedade civil terão um papel fundamental no processo político em destaque, principalmente as que atuam em territórios marcados por profundas desigualdades sociais e de reduzida participação na esfera pública. O Observatório de Favelas vem se empenhando, por meio de seus diferentes campos de atuação (política urbana, direitos humanos, educação, cultura, artes e comunicação), em colocar os territórios populares na centralidade construção política do Direito à Cidade, afirmando novos atores em novos cenários de participação política.

Jorge Luiz Barbosa é Professor da Universidade Federal Fluminense, Diretor do Observatório de Favelas e Co-autor dos Livros: “Favela: Alegria e dor na Cidade”; “O que é favela, afinal?”; “O novo carioca”; e “Solos Culturais”.

Submitted by Editor — Sun, 11/17/2013 – 23:00

Bogotá tiene un centro histórico espectacular. Las estrechas callejuelas de la época colonial están jalonadas de edificios de gran belleza y en muchos casos sorprendentemente bien conservados, al menos estructuralmente. El ascenso empinado de las vías hacia los Cerros Orientales, que se elevan abruptamente 600 metros sobre el nivel del centro de la ciudad, crean una perspectiva única en una ciudad que a veces se olvida de su ubicación geográfica en plena cordillera andina. Sin embargo, a lo largo de las últimas décadas se ha producido un deterioro progresivo de la zona. Los principales edificios considerados como bienes de interés cultural, tanto de la época colonial como republicana, están generalmente en muy buen estado de conservación, pero el centro histórico sufre de problemas como la inseguridad, falta de desarrollo económico, una fuerte desigualdad social, falta de espacios verdes, o el deterioro de las vivienda de personas con bajos ingresos. Leer más o discutir.

Bogota’s historic center is spectacular. Beautiful and surprisingly well-preserved colonial buildings flank the narrow, cobbled streets. At the end of the steep ascent one can see the Cerros Orientales, the imposing mountains that rise abruptly 600 meters above the city. This sight is unusual in a city that, despite being located in the Andean range, tends to focus its attention on the flat savanna where most of its urban sprawl is located. Unfortunately, the historic district has suffered from gradual but steady decay during the last few decades. The main colonial and republican landmark buildings are generally well maintained, but most of the area suffers from problems such as severe lack of economic development, crime, near total lack of green spaces, degradation of low-income homes, and strong social inequality. Read more or join the discussion.

Submitted by Jorge Bela — Mon, 09/09/2013 – 00:00

The illiteracy rate in Bogota is slightly below 2 percent, according to official reports. This represents the best rate in Colombia. The real rate might, nevertheless, be somewhat higher, due to the constant inflow of immigrants from rural areas, where illiteracy rates are much higher, into the capital. In addition, the 2011 PIRLS report (Progress in International Reading Literacy Study) suggests that the rate of functional illiteracy is quite high in the country as a whole. These problems are aggravated by an elevated rate of digital illiteracy, as high as 50 percent as suggested by a 2010 survey by the Ministerio de Tecnologías de la Información y las Comunicaciones. Digital illiteracy is a pressing challenge in large Latin American cities. It affects more severely the populations already at a higher risk of social exclusion, and makes it harder for them to benefit from current economic prosperity. It also affects negatively the competitiveness of local economies, which are unable to meet the challenges of an increasingly open and technology-driven world economy. Read more or join the discussion.

Submitted by Jorge Bela — Mon, 09/02/2013 – 00:00

La tasa de analfabetismo en Bogotá, según datos oficiales, está ligeramente por debajo del 2 por ciento, el mejor dato en todo el país. Sin embargo, es posible que la cifra real esté por encima de la oficial, debido al constante flujo migratorio desde las zonas rurales, donde la tasa de analfabetismo es considerablemente superior, hacia la capital. El informe PIRLS (Progress in International Reading Literacy Study) de 2011 apunta además hacia una elevada tasa de analfabetismo funcional en Colombia. A estos problemas hay que sumar una mucho más elevada tasa de analfabetismo digital, superior al 50 por ciento según un informe del Ministerio de Tecnologías de la Información y las Comunicaciones, que está lastrando el acceso, generalmente de las personas en mayor riesgo de exclusión social, a la revolución tecnológica. El analfabetismo digital es un reto acuciante en las grandes ciudades latinoamericanas, pues aumenta la brecha que impide a los más desfavorecidos el acceso a la prosperidad económica, y reduce la competitividad de las economías locales en un mundo cada vez más conectado tecnológicamente. Leer más o discutir.

La tasa de analfabetismo en Bogotá, según datos oficiales, está ligeramente por debajo del 2 por ciento, el mejor dato en todo el país. Sin embargo, es posible que la cifra real esté por encima de la oficial, debido al constante flujo migratorio desde las zonas rurales, donde la tasa de analfabetismo es considerablemente superior, hacia la capital. El informe PIRLS (Progress in International Reading Literacy Study) de 2011 apunta además hacia una elevada tasa de analfabetismo funcional en Colombia. A estos problemas hay que sumar una mucho más elevada tasa de analfabetismo digital, superior al 50 por ciento según un informe del Ministerio de Tecnologías de la Información y las Comunicaciones, que está lastrando el acceso, generalmente de las personas en mayor riesgo de exclusión social, a la revolución tecnológica. El analfabetismo digital es un reto acuciante en las grandes ciudades latinoamericanas, pues aumenta la brecha que impide a los más desfavorecidos el acceso a la prosperidad económica, y reduce la competitividad de las economías locales en un mundo cada vez más conectado tecnológicamente. Leer más o discutir.

Submitted by Jorge Bela — Mon, 09/02/2013 – 00:00

Colombia ha experimentado una transformación extraordinaria desde la entrada del nuevo siglo. Los conflictos armados que se iniciaron a mediados del siglo pasado, y que se vieron agravados con la irrupción del narcotráfico y de grupos criminales organizados, generaron una ola de desplazados de las zonas rurales que buscaron refugio en las ciudades, y que se sumó a la migración natural que se observó el en resto del hemisferio. Las ciudades no pudieron absorber un crecimiento tan rápido, y sufrieron un deterioro acelerado en sus condiciones de vida, que se pudo percibir especialmente en ciudades medianas, como Cali, que disfrutaban de una alta calidad de vida antes de que se iniciaran los conflictos. Bogotá, como capital y mayor ciudad del país, atrajo el número mas elevado de desplazados, que se agolpaban desordenadamente en los barrios del sur. Ambas ciudades se convirtieron también en objetivo de los ataques de los grupos armados, y vivían en permanente jaque y aislamiento. Leer más.

Submitted by Jorge Bela — Thu, 08/08/2013 – 22:38

Colombia has undergone a remarkable transformation in the past fifteen years. The armed conflict that arose in the mid-twentieth century, aggravated by organized crime and drug trafficking, generated a massive wave of displaced people seeking refuge in the cities. This flow was in addition to the regular flow of immigrants from rural to urban areas that took place in Latin America as a whole during the same period. Colombian cities were unable to assimilate such rapid growth, and suffered a significant deterioration in living conditions. This was particularly so in medium-sized cities, such as Cali, which had relatively high living standards before the conflict erupted. Bogotá, as the capital and most populated city in Colombia, attracted the largest number of displaced people, giving rise to large slums in the south. Both cities became the target of attacks from armed groups, and became isolated under the fear of constant threat. Read more.

Submitted by Jorge Bela — Thu, 08/08/2013 – 22:25

La exclusión financiera es uno de los principales frenos para la salida de la pobreza, especialmente en el caso de las poblaciones más vulnerables, como madres solteras, desplazados, indígenas o afrodescendientes. En Bogotá, las empresas medianas, pequeñas, micro y familiares constituyen el 98 por ciento del total, pero de éstas tan solo el 29 por ciento tiene acceso al crédito que ofrece la banca comercial. Aunque el sector de los microcréditos ha aumentado de forma significativa en Colombia, duplicándose la cartera en el periodo 2006 al 2012, en parte gracias al apoyo del gobierno, las altas tasas de interés y los requisitos de garantías e idoneidad exigidas por las entidades privadas hacen muy difícil el acceso al crédito precisamente a los sectores más desfavorecidos. Las ONGs no disponen de fondos suficientes para cubrir la demanda, y las microempresas y empresas familiares quedan en muchos casos sujetas al sector financiero informal, conocido como “gota a gota,” con tasas de interés exorbitantes. Leer más o discutir.

Submitted by Editor — Tue, 07/30/2013 – 17:01

Africa’s slums are growing at twice the rate of its cities. By some accounts, sub-Saharan Africa will have upwards of 332 million slum dwellers by 2015. While millions of dollars have been spent improving the conditions in Africa’s urban informal settlements and the lives of the people who live therein, overall these efforts have amounted to little more than a drop in the ocean. Join our six panelists to explore the options for stemming the growth of these sprawling settlements and improving conditions in those slums that already exist: Irene Karanja of Muungano Support Trust (SDI) (Kenya); Claudio Torres of the UN-HABITAT Participatory Slum Upgrading Unit (PSUP) (Kenya); architect, urban planner, and World Bank Municipal Development Program consultant Sara Candiracci (Mozambique); Aditya Kumar of the Community Organization Resource Centre (CORC) (SDI) (South Africa); Jhono Bennett of the University of Johannesburg (South Africa); and Marie Huchzermeyer of the University of the Witwatersrand (South Africa).

Click on the pictures of the panelists to see each panelist’s perspective below.

Executive Director of Muungano Support Trust, a secretariat of the Shack/Slum Dwellers International Federation (SDI) (Kenya)

Over the last 25 years, slum dwellers from cities in Africa have successfully mobilized into collections of Federations of the Urban Poor.

These federations have collected their own financial resources in the form of savings and data pools, creating citywide profiles and extensive slum censuses. Unknown to the world, slum federations have managed to produce a large volume of documented knowledge about themselves that has transformed how the government delivers important services to its poor citizens and how financial instruments can be innovated by financial institutions to serve the needs of the poor.

Using data collected from the profiles and censuses, Muungano Support Trust, a local NGO working with the federation of Kenya, has provided advisory services to the Government of Kenya and the World Bank, in order to help them intervene and provide housing solutions to over 10,000 families in the Kibera and Mukuru areas of Nairobi.

The trust has also worked with university planning schools from the local and international academia community to influence how transforming planning discourse can untrap informal human settlements from the snares of historically rigid city planning standards.

The private sector has grand opportunities to turn urban poor communities into important players within the city. Financial resources from the poor are beginning to challenge and put pressure on the private sector to innovate solutions. Federations have interventions that are facilitating this to happen.

Data collected by communities with the support and technical capacity of organizations such as Muungano Support Trust, shows that there is a missing link that government interventions are not able to fill and development assistance is failing to cover.

Insecurity of tenure remains one of the biggest challenges to improving the lives of slum dwellers in Nairobi. The government needs to release land for human settlement, whether it be public, private, or contested. If this does not happen, development aid will continue to subsidize the costs required for technical services to innovate various kinds of solutions for what are essentially locked scenarios!

Irene Karanja is the founding Executive Director of Muungano Support Trust (MuST), a secretariat of the Slum/Shack Dwellers Federation in Kenya. She is a specialist in participatory research, community organizing and capacity building for the urban poor. For over six years, she has transformed the use of participatory techniques for data collection into a major instrument for planning the upgrading of slums. She has organized a strong constituency of slum dwellers to assume leadership of these settlements through savings groups, housing cooperatives and women’s associations.

Architect, UN-HABITAT Participatory Slum Upgrading Programme (PSUP) (Kenya)

African countries represent the majority of the least developed countries (LCD). Taking into account the fact that in most of these countries, the urban population growth is expanding at a faster pace than the national one, it is important to make three considerations in answering the question: “What will it take to make slum upgrading work in African urban centres?”

Governments should be prepared to ‘give away’. National and local governments should weigh out the costs and risks of perpetuating the status quo and should fulfill the right of adequate housing for all at a pace that copes with the increase in poor urban households. They should prioritise, for example, the free provision of land for the urban poor, in the understanding that there will be no real estate profit and that no particular individual will benefit — a challenging task in a context where African post-independence elites have generally improved their own lives with little regard to equity and social justice.

Strategies for the provision of adequate housing for the urban poor should go beyond market logic. In trying to come up with housing strategies that appeal to investors, the focus has shifted from the upgrading of the slum dwellers’ living conditions to the beautification of particularly degraded areas. This unchaining of a series of transaction costs results in a gentrification process that relocates the problem without giving it a solution. Slum upgrading strategies should strictly be conceived through a human rights approach.

Adequate housing strategies should trigger self-relief dynamics in overcoming poverty. The problem of urban poverty is too big to miss the opportunity to engage concerned communities in devising its solution. The Latin-American slum upgrading experience has demonstrated that giving the right initial impulse to poor urban communities actually encourages a progressive and proactive self-upgrading attitude in slum residents, reducing the need for government funds to improve the living conditions of the urban poor. A strong involvement of the community can also help to reduce the risk of benefiting the wrong people, a common shortfall in superficially planned slum upgrading interventions.

Claudio Torres is an architect with 10 years experience in the field of slum upgrading and housing in an African context. His work has taken him from the slums of Nairobi to settlements in Somaliland and South Sudan where he has worked as an architect, monitoring and evaluation expert, project manager, and construction expert. Torres has worked extensively in Nairobi’s Mathare valley slum with the Italian NGO COOPI, helping to set up an office in the field from which he coordinated a series of different programs. He is currently a consultant for the Participatory Slum Upgrading Program (PSUP), a division of UN-Habitat.

Architect, Urban Planner and Consultant, World Bank Municipal Development Program (Mozambique)

Urbanization in Africa is growing and national governments and local authorities are faced with the challenge of guiding cities’ growth while dealing with other constraints, including limited financial resources; weak institutional, management, and technical capacities; lack of proper urban policies and financial mechanisms to mobilize and regulate investments.

To strengthen the ability of African cities to generate wealth, prosperity, and economic and human development, national governments and local authorities need to define a clear vision for the future of their cities and their informal settlements.

Cities must be seen and treated as complex organisms whose elements are interconnected. Informal settlements should be seen as an integral part of this organism, and not as a “sick body” to be fought. They constitute a precious resource for the city and its population and must be included in the urban grid.

Each and every stakeholder, whether it be the national government, local authorities, civil society, the community, the private sector, or the donor community, have a role to play and must be partners in the development and implementation of this vision for the city. In particular, the active participation of the local community is essential in finding lasting solutions, and to guarantee ownership and sustainability, social cohesion, and integration.

The implementation of comprehensive and integrated improvement plans in informal areas would be ideal; however, it takes a long time and requires considerable financial resources. Considering the constraints in local financial and institutional capabilities, it is preferable to adopt an incremental approach, whereby small-scale interventions are first envisioned and planned in an extensive development plan, and then are carried out gradually through community participation.

Priority must be given to the improvement and provision of infrastructure, basic services, accessibility, safety, and the creation of economic opportunities. Concurrently, special attention should be given to outdoor public spaces, where a vital part of the community’s social, cultural, and economic activities is conducted. Improving these spaces would improve the framework of daily life and bring dignity, beauty, and utility to informal and poor areas with minimal resources.

Sara Candiracci is an architect and urban planner with 10 years experience in the design, management, and implementation of several urban planning and slum upgrading projects in Latin America and Africa with different organizations including UN-Habitat, the Inter-American Development Bank, and various NGOs. She is now working at the Municipality of Maputo, Mozambique, as Urban Planning Advisor for the World Bank Municipal Development Program. She is also conducting her PhD research on the potential use of urban cultural heritage in urban regeneration and planning, considering Maputo as case of study.

Deputy Director, Community Organisation Resource Centre (CORC), an affiliate of Shack/Slum Dwellers International (South Africa)

Over the last 20 years, the South African government has been hailed as having the most progressive housing and poverty policy environments in the continent. Besides making welfare grants available to previously marginalized communities, it has made provisions to provide housing to any citizen earning under R3,500 ($350)/month.

Although more than 2.3 million subsidized homes have been built across the country, the impacts of the housing policy have fallen short. Informal settlements have gone up by 900 percent (from 300 to 2,700) while there are an estimated 2.1 million people on the waiting list for state-subsidized housing.

Realizing the constraints of the housing program, the State has rapidly shifted its emphasis to informal settlement upgrading. New regulatory frameworks like Outcome 8 have been developed to allow for provision of basic services and tenure rights.

While the aims of Outcome 8 and its aligned policies have been well defined, in my view there are still gaps in addressing the bigger issues. Firstly, how incremental informal settlement upgrading is implemented must be defined: are we trying to address tenure rights or basic services, land or housing, dependency on the state or self-reliance through livelihoods? Secondly, there is the manner in which informal settlement upgrading is being rolled out. Currently it doesn’t account for strong community, civil society, and NGO participation, nor does it address the broader issue of project finance, outsourcing, and party politics.

The process of upgrading is about learning and letting go, about making space for communities to innovate with the state, about creating a city-wide network/movement that can change the spatial patterns of the city and strengthen citizenship.

Aditya Kumar is the technical coordinator and deputy director for the Community Organization Resource Centre (CORC), affiliated to Shack/Slum Dwellers International, currently working with informal settlement and backyarder dwellers of South Africa. His previous experience has included post-war reconstruction of Palestinian refugee camps (Lebanon), post-earthquake disaster housing reconstruction (India), affordable and social housing and large urban development projects (Los Angeles and Boston). His work has fostered multi-stakeholder partnerships between local communities, CBOs, government bodies, academic institutions, and International NGOs, with a key focus on strengthening community-driven design, planning, and implementation. The reconstruction of Palestinian refugee camps has also been shortlisted for the Aga Khan Award for Architecture.

Architect and Lecturer and Researcher, University of Johannesburg

The National Development Plan’s Outcome 8 agreement is behind the South African government’s current shift towards in situ housing upgrading as a means of redevelopment. This goal of upgrading 400,000 informal settlements has been developed under the mandate of the National Upgrade Support Program.

Large-scale construction consortiums are working alongside the government, in collaboration with various planning, architectural, and non-governmental entities on the current Reconstruction & Development Program.

While these initiatives are creating an institutional framework to begin addressing the needs of informal settlement residents in South Africa, there is little focus across the board on training effective practitioners who can play crucial intermediary roles not only in informal settlement upgrading but also in the nation’s spatial redevelopment.

From my experience in this field, it seems that there are a disproportionately small number of practitioners who have the understanding, experience, or empathy required to engage with the dynamics of informal settlement communities and the complexity of working within the social, economic, and political intricacy that exists between grassroots entities and government structures.

A major factor for this condition is related to the lack of opportunities for spatial design practitioners (engineers, architects, planners, etc), to be exposed to these complex environments. As a result, many ‘professionals’, as well as many government officials, often display dangerously simplistic views on how to ‘fix’ the problems at hand.

From my work and experience in academia and the NGO sector, I believe that empathetic spatial design practitioners hold the key position to engage effectively at the ‘community’ level while addressing the larger spatial inequalities of post-apartheid South Africa.

My aim lies in understanding and sharing contextually appropriate training, practice, and precedents through critical engagement with South Africa’s residents of poor and unsafe living conditions in order to further develop this ‘additional role’ for socio-technical spatial design practice.

Jhono Bennett is an architect who works at the University of Johannesburg as a part-time lecturer and Independent researcher, while managing the operations of 1:1 — Agency of Engagement, a non-profit entity which he co-founded to provide a design-based collaborative service between grassroots organizations, professionals, academia, and government.

Masters Program in Housing at the School of Architecture and Planning at the University of the Witwatersrand (South Africa)

Internationally, there has been unprecedented focus on ‘slums’ in the new millennium. In southern African cities, informal settlements are certainly a concern, although in Anglophone countries the legacy of British colonial planning has to some extent kept these settlements out of middle-class sight. Where informal settlements have intruded into visible locations, as for instance in Lusophone Luanda, recent efforts have been made to remove these to the city periphery. In South Africa, a somewhat reverse government discourse targeted ‘visible’ informal settlements for ‘in situ upgrading’. This approach was adopted by the high profile N2 Gateway Project in Cape Town, which originally targeted all informal settlements that lined the motorway from the airport to the historical city centre for upgrading. In the years that followed, this project morphed into the Luandan approach — the removal of visible informal settlements. In the Cape Town case, removal was to a controlled decanting camp on the far side of the airport. Yet the public was told that the commitment remained to ‘in situ upgrading’. The term was simply given a new meaning, namely for the state to demolish and then build new housing to modern standard for a different clientele.

With this juxtaposition of informal settlement treatment in Angola and South Africa, I’d like to provoke debate on the core meaning of ‘informal settlement upgrading’ as well as the political uses associated to the meaning. For me, the essence of in situ upgrading is the recognition of two important points. One is that the unevenly developing economies in southern Africa, in the absence of radical change, will not facilitate the replacement of all informal settlements with planned and fully serviced residential developments for the households currently in these settlements. This recognition prevents ‘wishing away’ the reality of urban informality. The other is that informal settlements result out of determination, initiative (often collective), creativity, and complex decisions by poor households. These must be respected and supported where possible.

Marie Huchzermeyer convenes and teaches in the masters programme in Housing at the School of Architecture and Planning at the University of the Witwatersrand. This base has allowed her to provide support to rights-based struggles from within informal settlement for ‘real’ in situ upgrading. Her recent work includes a 2011 book “Cities With ‘Slums’: From Informal Settlement Eradication to a Right to the City in Africa,” and a comparison with Brazil in a 2004 book, “Unlawful Occupation: Informal Settlements and Urban Policy in South Africa and Brazil.”

Professor Sharit K. Bhowmik, Guest Contributor
Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai

The laws for street vending are regulated by the Bombay Municipal Corporation Act of 1950, which was in force before the state of Maharashtra was formed on May 1, 1960. The municipal laws do not provide for the erection of any structure or stall on the streets that will obstruct the passage of the public or impede the working of a drain or open channel. Such a structure is liable to be removed by the municipal commissioner, and the person responsible for the creation of the structure is to incur the expenses of its removal. It is imperative for a person to procure a license from the municipal commissioner to be able to hawk his or her wares in any public place. Failure of compliance will lead to the removal of any product being hawked on the streets without prior notice.

The municipal laws regulate the use of pavements while the police regulate the use of roads. Hawkers are evicted mainly under sections 102 and 107 of the act. These sections stipulate that anyone preventing smooth flow of traffic can be arrested and removed. The police, however, have sweeping powers regarding what is termed as encroachment. This stems from Section 34 of the Police Act of 1954, which has been adapted by all states with regard to the local police. “No person shall cause obstruction in any street or public place by … exposing anything for sale or setting out anything for sale in or upon any stall, booth, cask, and basket or in any other way whatsoever.” Hence, even if the municipal authorities grant space for vending in public places, the police have a right to evict them under the above section.

In Mumbai, where there are around 250,000 hawkers, the municipal corporation has granted only 14,000 licenses. Moreover, the municipal corporation has stopped granting new licenses for the past two decades, hence most of these license holders do not ply the trade at the present as they are too old or they have died. The TISS-YUVA survey found that only 5,653 hawkers, out of a total of 102,401 hawkers, had licenses. Hence, this system has more or less failed.

As far as urban planning is concerned, all such documents show that street vendors occupy no place in them. The Draft Plan of the MMRDA for 1995-2015 has demarcated spaces for everything except markets for street vendors. One way of ensuring some support to street vendors is forming open air markets in open spaces in different localities.

Hawking zones and court cases

The municipal corporation has a system for demarcating hawking and non-hawking zones; however, this system is now being challenged. There is a pending case in the Supreme Court that has the potential to have serious repercussions. Before we look at the details, it’s important to understand the background.

Since the 1980s, there have been a number of public interest litigations (PILs) in Mumbai on issues affecting the poor. However, the most important case affecting the status of street vendors in the city was in 1989 in the Supreme Court. More than a few decades ago, the New Delhi Municipal Corporation evicted a common street vendor, Sodhan Singh, who sold garments at Janpath in New Delhi. He appealed to the Supreme Court through a PIL claiming that the act violated his fundamental rights, more specifically his right to carry on business or trade (article 19(1)g). In a very significant judgement, the Court ruled that:

If properly regulated according to the exigency of the circumstances, the small traders on the sidewalks can considerably add to the comfort and convenience of the general public, by making available ordinary articles of everyday use for a comparatively lesser price. An ordinary person, not very affluent, while hurrying towards his home after a day’s work can pick up these articles without going out of his way to find a regular market. The right to carry on trade or business mentioned in Article 19(1)g of the Constitution, on street pavements, if properly regulated, cannot be denied on the ground that the streets are meant exclusively for passing or re-passing and no other use. (Sodhan Singh vs. NDMC, 1989).

The above extract from the Supreme Court judgment is significant because it emphasizes several important aspects of street vending and use of public space. The judgment notes the positive role of street vendors in providing essential commodities to common people at affordable prices and at convenient places. Moreover, the judgement notes that street vending, if regulated, cannot be denied merely on the ground that pavements are meant exclusively for pedestrians. The most important aspect is that street vendors are exercising their constitutional right to carry out trade or business. Hence, it should be regulated properly and not abolished.

The judgment directed the state governments to direct their municipalities to evolve hawking zones where street vendors could practice their trade. In Mumbai, this happened in 1998. The Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai (MCGM), after a great deal of consultation and discussion, demarcated the hawker zones for the city and suburbs. The TISS-YUVA survey was a part of this exercise. The proposed hawker zones were notified to all through newspaper advertisements. MCGM also announced that any individual or party that had any objection should notify this to them within a month. There were hardly any objections or clarifications. It appeared that the plan would be implemented. However, no sooner had MCGM decided to implement the plan than spates of protests from various residents associations (led by Citispace) began in earnest, even getting a stay from the High Court. After a few years, the High Court passed an order which would in effect recognize only 20,000 or more vendors.

In the meanwhile, the Government of India approved the National Policy for Urban Street Vendors on 20 January 2004. The present government, too, has endorsed the policy. The Ministry of Urban Employment and Poverty Alleviation called a National Workshop on Urban Street Vendors on 19 October 2005 where all the senior level officers of the state governments were called. The purpose was to take stock of the situation. The ministry found that none of the states had made any move to implement the policy, though each representative spoke highly of the policy. The Ministry (which has now become the Ministry for Housing and Poverty Alleviation) called another meeting on 12 July 2006 for the same purpose. It was found that some states (UP, Rajasthan and Delhi) had started to implement the policy with certain minor adaptations to suit their needs. This was a promising start. Andhra Pradesh and Orissa have the most progressive legislations.

In the final article in this series on street vendors in Mumbai, we will look more closely at this National Policy and its potential to protect hawkers.

As 2013 draws to a close, it is a good opportunity to reflect on what we have learned from cities in the URB.im network during the last year. Some of our community managers discuss the benefits of increased citizen participation in the planning and implementation of urban initiatives. Others highlight the effectiveness of programs that build the capacity of youth and women to be agents for poverty alleviation. Many discuss how to ensure that the benefits of economic growth and urban improvement extend to the most marginalized residents. Continue reading to learn more about our lessons learned and join the discussion to share your own.

Carlin Carr, Mumbai Community Manager

This time last year, a horrific event took place in India. A young girl and her male friend took a late-night bus ride in Delhi after a movie; it ended up being the girl’s last. In the bus, she was gang raped and so brutally assaulted that even an emergency medical flight to Singapore couldn’t save her. The incident sparked national and international outrage; protestors poured into the streets of India’s major cities to force more stringent laws to protect women against violence.

Months later, a female photojournalist out on an assignment in an abandoned mill area in the center of Mumbai endured a similarly brutal assault and gang rape. As it turns out, the men had done this to ragpicker women in the area before, but few women, especially the poor, feel comfortable stepping forward. Mumbai has always been touted as a safe city for women, but incidents like these have rattled this sense of security.

While legal frameworks, training for police officers, and educating men are all key areas in reducing violence against women, urban planning also has a large role to play. For women to feel safe in India’s urban environments, city planners need to ensure that appropriate infrastructure is in place to help women feel safer and more secure in — and to feel that they are a part of — urban India. Here are five key areas to address:

• Transport: Women-only train cars have been a great addition in Mumbai; in Bangalore, sections of the buses also are reserved solely for women. These measures reserve safe spaces for women and signal that women are encouraged to travel in the city.

• Lighting: Dark streets create an unwelcoming environment for women, and the lack of lighting also jeopardizes their safety. Streetlights are needed not only throughout main roads and thoroughfares, but also in informal settlements, where darkness hovers once the sun goes down.

• Activity: Despite the antagonistic relationship that many Indian cities have toward street vendors, their presence brings a vitality that increases women’s security. Delhi proposed an initiative last year to create vending areas near metro entrances. Initiatives of this type, particularly around transport stations, will go a long way in creating a city that is not only vibrant, but also safe.

• Passageways: Although crossing roads in Mumbai is risky, the underground passageways that allow walkers to traverse busy intersections are much scarier, especially for women. Some in the city seem much friendlier than others, with good lighting and security officers posted, but many others are dark and dank.

• Sanitation: We recently reported on the abysmal toilet situation in Mumbai, where there is only one toilet seat for every 1,800 women. Even when there are toilets available, women and young girls often have to walk great distances or choose a dark and secluded area in order to have some measure of privacy. Providing proper sanitation preserves people’s dignity, but it also will go a long way toward reducing the risk of violence against women during this necessary act.

Many of these measures are low-hanging fruit in the larger urban planning needs of the city. They are economically feasible and don’t require large infrastructure overhauls. Brighter, more vibrant and welcoming cities will benefit the entire citizenry and go a long way toward making women feel comfortable engaging in their urban environment.

Photo credit: erin

Katy Fentress, Nairobi Community Manager

On the 12th of December, Kenya celebrated Jamhuri (Independence) Day. The event came at the end of a year that played host to a roller coaster of emotions for all those who have a part of themselves invested in this country.

Nairobi’s 2013 was a year that witnessed impressive progress in terms of infrastructure development, but in which the government made no significant progress on providing services to the city’s numerous slum dwellers. It was a year in which Nairobians came together in great shows of unity, but also saw neighborhoods turn against each other; a year of victories and pride, but also one of great loss and shame. 2013 was the year in which it became clear to what extent corruption puts everyone’s security at risk and the year that the term “Silicon savannah” began to gain serious traction in the business world.

Politics, technology, infrastructure development, and finance ruled the discussion board in 2013 and laid important cornerstones for future discussions on how the country will develop and evolve.

In politics, Kenyans collectively held their breath for three months in the run-up to the elections. Come Election Day in Nairobi and the rest of the country, people eager to be counted queued for hours in the sun and dust in long peaceful lines. As radios and TV channels preached the mantra of non-violence — occasionally at the expense of the truth — the #KOT (Kenyans on Twitter) hashtag acquired prominence, and people flocked to social media to vent grievances or poke fun at the international press.

Nairobi Governor Evans Kidero was voted in on a slew of electoral promises — amongst which, to improve service delivery to the capital, improve the living standards of slum dwellers, and address the problem of Dandora, the city’s overflowing dumpsite. Ten months after elections, the promises are yet to be met: Kidero has held meetings with representatives of Nairobi’s different slums, where he reiterated his commitment to increasing employment opportunities for youth; his wife has made public donations to various slum orphanages; and the Dandora question is under discussion.

Yet lack of communication between the lands ministry, the Governor’s office, and interested stakeholders resulted in Nubian settlers from Kibera slum not being issued title deeds they had been promised, and the lighting, security, and city-wide cleanup residents believed would take place failed to materialize.

In infrastructure development, despite a few hiccups, work on Nairobi’s southern and eastern bypasses continued to move forward, as did the construction of Nairobi’s new international airline terminal, which was launched in December despite the chaos that followed the burning of the arrivals terminal in August this year. The Nairobi light commuter rail network opened a new station, the Safaricom Kasarani stadium was brought to completion, and Machakos county (part of the city’s larger metropolitan area) unveiled its ambitious development plan and how it intends to create Machowood, Kenya’s first dedicated film production studios.

Progresses in technology were routinely feted, the term “Silicon Savannah” became increasingly popular amongst technological investors eager to branch into the burgeoning African market, and Microsoft and IBM moved their African headquarters to Nairobi. Yet people’s trust in technology took a strong blow after the hyped-up IEBC e-voting machines routinely broke down over the election, prompting pollsters to return to a more traditional and easy-to-tamper-with ballot system.

Finance went from strength to strength as the Kenyan stock market continued to rise throughout the year and the government began to recognize that the most sustainable form of development was the one that came from the grassroots. As a result, efforts were stepped up to invest in youth and women’s savings groups through the newly introduced Uwezo Fund.

Photo 3: Javi Moreno. Photo 4: Damiano Lotteria.

Olatawura Ladipo-Ajayi, Lagos Community Manager

Lagos is the most populous city state in Nigeria, home to over five percent of the nation’s 166 million residents, and ever growing. To manage this large group of people and to create an environment that is not only safe and accommodating but also filled with opportunities for improved living and continuous growth, the state government and various civil society organisations have spent 2013 working on a number of ingenious projects to achieve these goals.

Makoko’s slum clearance, part of the city’s effort to make the city safer and more modernized, illustrates the importance of considering the social impact of urban planning and growth projects. The economic and social effects of this slum clearance on the communities are grave: residents become displaced, lose their shelter, sense of safety, and livelihood. Other initiatives in Makoko have been more successful: the innovative floating school project plans to make education more accessible to slum residents.

While some projects face strategic planning and implementation flaws, many of them are not only well-intentioned but also successful. Some of these projects include the Youth Empowerment and ICT Center, the Vocational Training Skills Acquisition Center, and the Real Women’s Foundation empowerment program. These programs focus on providing marginalized populations with skills and opportunities to alleviate poverty and to contribute productively to society. While the city and the ICT center’s programs such as the Urban Youth Empowerment Program focus on youth, the Real Women’s Foundation “peace villa” rehabilitates women and also provides life-skills training. Both programs encourage entrepreneurship and employment, an efficient way of alleviating poverty, and have recorded great success.

Lagos has a magnitude of opportunity to improve the lot of its marginalized urban residents. While progress is being made in various aspects, such as transportation, health care awareness, and employment creation, it is important that urban planners and officials consider the impact of rapid progress on every class of its citizens, so as to avoid situations like those that arose with the slum clearance in Makoko. The urban future is very bright for Lagos; we have learned that, with adequate planning and proper social impact assessment, it is possible to create development solutions that do not leave certain groups of the society in the dark. With this in mind, Lagos can continue to make strides towards being a just and inclusive city in 2014.

Photo credit: Roy Luck

María Fernanda Carvallo, Gestor Comunitario de Mexico D.F.

A lo largo del 2013 comentamos sobre diversas estrategias de inclusión y de superación de la pobreza en la Ciudad de México. Si bien las soluciones son variadas e innovadoras, un factor central en la solución de estos problemas es el involucramiento de la participación de la población que vive las situaciones de conflicto; puesto que desde un enfoque de participación para el desarrollo, ellos son los expertos que priorizan e identifican las necesidades y áreas de oportunidad de su desarrollo.

Por ejemplo, el mapeo comunitario en Nezahualcóyotl, facilitado por la Universidad de las Américas, identificó las variables de vulnerabilidad de la población; al igual que los pobladores de San Andrés Totoltepec en Tlalpan, impulsado por la Organización Fomento Solidario de la Vivienda (FOSOVI). Los habitantes de ambas localidades realizaron un diagnóstico comunitario para visualizar las carencias sociales que debían de satisfacer, así como los recursos disponibles para obtener soluciones. En este sentido, se da evidencia de que la misma población que se encuentra en situaciones de vulnerabilidad, puede generar sus propias soluciones y así ser una comunidad que desarrolla estrategias de vida. El factor elemental en estos modelos de desarrollo local ha sido la intervención de actores externos, como las organizaciones de la sociedad civil, que habilitan mecanismos que cohesionan el capital social de las personas y empoderan para que la población descubra su capacidad.

Hoy en día, la agenda de desarrollo rompe con el paradigma de los enfoques de políticas públicas desde arriba, para focalizar los esfuerzos en metodologías que permitan vincular a los diversos actores que juegan un rol activo en la promoción del bienestar. En este sentido, Enrique Betancourt, urbanista de la Ciudad de México, nos compartió en una entrevista, que uno de los grandes retos para esta ciudad es un paquete de acciones coordinadas — estrategias que integren el equipamiento e infraestructura con programas sociales y con un fuerte componente de participación ciudadana. Así mismo, la inclusión de la población marginada, como una tarea de planeación urbana, está relacionada con garantizar a las personas el derecho a la ciudad. Es decir el tutelaje de que todos accedan a los beneficios de vivir en comunidad, lo cual impulsa cambios de manera más rápida y eficiente. De acuerdo a Betancourt, es necesario borrar las barreras institucionales, sociales, y físicas que promueven que hasta ahora se dividan los ciudadanos de primera y segunda clase. Para lo anterior, es necesaria una sinergia de actores y del fortalecimiento de la capacidad de las organizaciones sociales para ofrecer la atención de servicios de manera descentralizada y abarcando a la población que aún no ha podido ejercer su derecho.

Una Ciudad debe de erigirse sobre la inclusión y participación de sus pobladores; de tal manera, para el 2014 debemos tener en la mira que la planeación urbana debe de ser un acuerdo pactado entre los ciudadanos y las autoridades sobre el papel que la Ciudad de México desempeñará, a fin de que la ciudadanía sea participativa en el cumplimiento de esa visión.

Foto: FOSOVI

María Fernanda Carvallo, Mexico City Community Manager

Throughout 2013 we discussed various inclusion and poverty reduction strategies in Mexico City. While the solutions discussed are varied and innovative, a key factor is the involvement of the population through active participation. By participating in the development of their community, citizens share their expert knowledge, which prioritizes and identifies needs, as well as areas of opportunity and development.

One good example is the community mapping in Nezahualcóyotl, facilitated by the University of the Americas: the initiative successfully identified the population’s vulnerability, as with the population of San Andrés Totoltepec in Tlalpan, led by the Organización Fomento Solidario de la Vivienda (FOSOVI). The inhabitants of both towns conducted a community assessment in order to show the social gaps that needed closing, as well as the resources available to meet the possible solutions. This shows that citizens living in vulnerable situations can in fact generate their own solutions and thus be a community that develops livelihoods. The essential factor in these models of local development is the involvement of external actors such as civil society organizations, which help to unite residents’ social capital and empower them to discover their own potential.

Today, the development agenda shatters the paradigm of top-down public policy approaches in order to focus on methodologies that allow the linking of various stakeholders who play an active role in promoting wellness. Enrique Betancourt, an urban expert from Mexico City, said during an interview that one of the great challenges that the city faces is a package of coordinated actions: strategies that integrate supplies, infrastructure, and social programs with a strong component of citizen participation. Moreover, the inclusion of marginalized populations is related to guaranteeing residents the right to the city. This means that all citizens must have access to the benefits of living in a community, which in turn drives changes to happen more quickly and efficiently. According to Betancourt, it is necessary to remove the institutional, social, and physical barriers that promote divisions between first- and second-class citizens. For this, it is necessary to have a synergy of actors and to strengthen the capacity of organizations that provide decentralized social care services.

A city should be established on the principles of inclusion and participation. Therefore, in 2014 we must look to urban planning to reach an agreement between citizens and authorities on the path that Mexico City will take, so that the entire population participates in the fulfillment of this vision.

Photo: FOSOVI

Catalina Gomez, São Paulo Community Manager

The Tietê river is the State of São Paulo’s most important river. Its runs more than 1100 km and crosses almost the entire state from east to west. The river is particularly important to the city of São Paulo, as it marks its urban geography. Unfortunately, the river has been polluted for years due to the lack of care, especially from the São Paulo Metropolitan Region, which encompasses 37 municipalities and has around 20 million residents. The pollution of the river began in 1920 with the construction of various infrastructure projects in the city. Then, between the 1940s and 1970s, during the city’s expansion, the river started receiving industrial effluents and domestic sewage.

The river’s pollution is still one of the area’s greatest environmental problems: non-organic materials, like metals and chemical products from industrial processing, are discharged to the river. But the greatest contaminant of the Tietê nowadays is domestic sewage. That is why the efforts to salvage the river are focused on the expansion of basic sewage coverage for the population that lives near the river. And in recent years, improvements have been made: in 1990, only 24 percent of the sewage in São Paulo was treated; today there is coverage of 68 percent. In two decades, the highly contaminated area was reduced by more than 200 km, and the amount of water being treated increased from 4,5m3/s in 1992 to 13 m3/s in 2007, which is equivalent to treating the effluents of more than five million people.

But these significant improvements have come at a price. Since 1992, the Basic Sewerage Company from the State of São Paulo (Sabesp), which is the institution in charge of the implementation of the Tietê River Cleanup Program, has received more than US$1.2 billion in support from the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) for the first three phases out of the project’s four stages. The third phase is currently under implementation and in addition to the IDB, the National Economic and Social Development Bank (Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social) has recently signed a loan contract with Sabesp of US$600 million.

The third phase of the cleanup program is expected to build around 420 km of collector mains and interceptors, and around 1251 km of wastewater collection networks. This phase also aims to build around 200 thousand household connections, and for the expansion of three main treatment plants and six smaller treatment plants.

One of the main lessons from the Tietê River Cleanup Program is the importance of the joint partnership between Sabesp and the municipalities of São Paulo’s Metropolitan Region. This has required important investments in Sabesp’s institutional capacity and its consolidation of corporate governance procedures and environmental management practices. Another lesson is the importance of involving the industries that are also polluting the river, so they can be part of its cleanup. Finally, it is important to understand the high price that the Metropolitan Region and the city of São Paulo itself are paying for failing to take adequate care of the Tietê river for so many decades.

Photo credit: Mario Ângelo

Jorge Bela, Gestor Comunitario de Bogotá

La situación de los habitantes de la calle se considera como uno de los problemas más complicados de resolver en las grandes ciudades latinoamericanas. Según un censo elaborado en 2011 por la Secretaría de Integración Social (SIS), en Bogotá se identificaron 8.385 habitantes de calle, un 86.9 por ciento de los cuales son hombres, y el 8.4 por ciento son menores de 18 años. El 17.9 por ciento son jóvenes entre 19 y 25 años, y el 38.9 por ciento son adultos entre 26 y 40 , quedando un 32 por ciento, de adultos mayores. Otro dato interesante de este sondeo es que el 58 por ciento se dedica a la recolección de objetos de reciclaje, el 34 por ciento a mendigar, el 28 por ciento a servicios no cualificados y el 10.7 por ciento a delinquir. Aunque es posible que estas cifras no recojan el número total de habitantes de la calle, quizá en una proporción considerable, sí que son reveladores en su estructura demográfica y en sus ocupaciones.

Existe una vinculación estrecha entre trastornos mentales, consumo de estupefacientes y los habitantes de la calle. Según el estudio de la SIS, en Bogotá el 68.1 por ciento consumen bazuco y el 80.5 por ciento de ellos lo hace todos los días. Además, el 64.6 por ciento consumen marihuana, el 63 por ciento de estos de forma diaria. Aunque la Secretaría de Salud de Bogotá reduce la incidencia de este tipo de problemas al 30 por ciento, y es muy difícil establecer una cifra exacta, es sin duda demasiado elevada. La falta de acceso a los sistemas de prevención y tratamiento agrava aún más los problemas de los habitantes de la calle, que se ven forzados a acudir a las salas de emergencia en momentos de crisis, poniendo una fuerte sobrecarga en estas salas, que en todo caso no están preparadas para solventar los problemas de fondo de este colectivo.

Por todo ello cabe destacar un programa lanzado por la Secretaría de Salud de Bogotá, que busca crear 130 camas adicionales, repartidas en cuatro centros en distintos puntos de la ciudad, y destinadas a atender a personas con problemas de salud mental y derivados del consumo de estupefacientes, en especial a los habitantes de la calle. El plan prevé también la creación de un nuevo centro de salud dedicado específicamente a los jóvenes con estos problemas, entre los que se ha detectado un alarmante aumento del nivel de suicidios. La Alcaldía busca con este reforzamiento especializado combatir y prevenir problemas de salud mental, al tiempo que se contribuye a liberar la presión a la que, por diferentes motivos, están sujetas las salas de emergencia de Bogotá.

Hasta ahora se han abierto 30 camas, de las 50 previstas para este centro, en la clínica Fray Bartolomé de las Casas; 12 camas en el Hospital San Blas; y una unidad móvil destinada a jóvenes y adolescentes. Otras iniciativas están en marcha. Con las primeras camas abiertas en 2013, es aún muy temprano para evaluar el resultado de este proyecto, y si en efecto se consigue llegar a los habitantes de la calle. En todo caso, es una orientación adecuada el dedicar recursos para la prevención y el tratamiento de los problemas de salud mental de los habitantes de la calle, en vez de dejar que estos se acaben por resolver en las salas de emergencia, con un coste superior y una efectividad mucho menor.

Jorge Bela, Bogotá Community Manager

Homelessness is one of the most complex and difficult to address problems in all large Latin American cities. A census led in 2011 by the Secretaría de Integración Social (SIS), found 8,385 homeless people in Bogotá. Of those, 86 percent were male. 8.4 percent were under 18 years old, 17.9 percent between 19 and 25, 38 percent between 26 and 40, and 32 percent were older than 40. As for their occupation, 58 percent were garbage recyclers, 34 percent begged, and 10.7 percent stole and robbed as a form of living. Although it is almost certain that this survey did not register much of the homeless population, it is still quite revealing regarding the population’s demographics and occupation.

There is a close link between mental disease, drug abuse, chronic illness. and homelessness. The SIS study found that 68.1 percent of homeless in Bogotá use bazuco (similar to crack). Of those, 80.5 percent use it on a daily basis. Furthermore, 64.6 percent smoke marijuana, 63 percent of those on a daily basis. It is very difficult to establish a precise rate of drug abuse (the Secretaría de la Salud de Bogotá estimate sets it at 30 percent), but it is dramatically higher than in the general population, and constitutes a major problem for the homeless population. Lack of access to treatment and prevention aggravates the situation, as the homeless often get treated only in emergency rooms during acute crises. This is far from desirable, as emergency rooms in Bogotá are operating beyond full capacity, and are not prepared to treat the underlying problems, only to mitigate the effects of the crisis.

In order to tackle these problems the Secretaría de Salud de Bogotá has launched a program to create 130 new hospital beds, distributed in four health centers around the city. These beds are specifically targeted to treat mental health and drug abuse patients, specifically the homeless. The program also includes the creation of a new health center reserved for treatment of young patients, as suicide rates within this population have risen abruptly in the past few years. This program, launched by the City Government in 2012, seeks to better treat and prevent mental health problems, while at the same time improving the overcrowding in the emergency rooms.

To date, 42 hospital beds (30 at the Fray Bartolomé de las Casas clinic, and 12 at the Hospital de San Blas) have been put into place, as well as a mobile unit to treat young patients. It is still too soon to evaluate this program (the first beds were only put into service in 2013). Also, the homeless are often difficult to convince to seek treatment, so it will be necessary to monitor whether they use the new facilities. Nevertheless, it is good policy to use resources to treat and prevent mental health problems in the homeless population, instead of letting these problems end up in emergency rooms, where the costs are much higher and the treatment less apt.

The urban poor in the Global South lack access to banking and financial services, and women are disproportionately affected. They are less likely than men to hold a bank account, to take out a loan, or to borrow money. This is a detriment to development, since women are more likely to spend extra funds on their family, thereby improving food, education, and health. This series of articles profiles approaches to bridging the financial inclusion gender gap in São Paulo, Mexico City, Nairobi, Bangalore, and Dhaka. Read on to learn more, and then join the discussion below.

Catalina Gomez, Coordenadora da Rede em São Paulo

Segundo a Confederação Nacional da Indústria, mais de um terço da população brasileira acima de 16 anos (mais de 50 milhões) não possui conta bancária nem acesso a serviços financeiros de empréstimo e poupança. A maioria daquela população afetada tem baixa renda e pouca escolaridade. Tereza Campello, a Ministra de Desenvolvimento Social tem explicado varias vezes que “ao contrário do que se pensava, os desafios da inclusão financeira não são de distância, de acesso a rede, ou de falta de correspondentes bancários. Na realidade, a população está desinformada com relação ao seus direitos”. Campello também explicou que “muitas pessoas acham que para abrir uma conta corrente é preciso um depósito mínimo, evidenciando seu desconhecimento sobre a rede bancaria”.

Tendo em conta a situação descrita pela Ministra, uma das principais prioridades do governo brasileiro durante vários anos, tem sido a redução de barreiras de informação e o desenho de produtos financeiros adequados para a população de baixa renda. Um dos principais mecanismos de promoção da inclusão financeira, especialmente para mulheres, tem sido Bolsa Família, o programa de transferências que beneficia a 13 milhões de famílias. O programa transfere mensalmente dinheiro para todas as famílias dependendo de seu nível de pobreza e número de crianças. O 93 por cento dos beneficiários direitos são mulheres, o que contribui no seu posicionamento e influencia dentro do núcleo familiar.

“Bolsa” tem uma contribuição importante na primeira etapa da inclusão financeira ao abrir uma conta bancaria e entregar um cartão para cada família. Com o cartão, os beneficiários podem retirar o dinheiro transferido mensalmente pelo programa. Para muitos beneficiários, especialmente mulheres, esta é a primeira vez que tem aceso a uma conta bancaria, contribuindo a seu conhecimento básico do sistema bancario. Infelizmente, muitos beneficiários ainda retiram a totalidade de sua transferência a cada mês e não utilizam a conta como uma verdadeira conta corrente ou de poupança.

Uma pesquisa recente sobre inclusão financeira dos beneficiários de Bolsa Família aplicada nas áreas de maior concentração de benefiarios, incluindo São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro, achou que a grande maioria dos beneficiários ainda não compreendem adequadamente as regras e procedimentos do sistema bancário precisando de maiores informações e educação sobre a matéria. A pesquisa também reportou que 65 por cento dos beneficiários têm celulares e embora o celular seja utilizado para encaminhar atualizações sobre o programa, ainda poderia ser utilizado para administrar o dinheiro e fazer pagamentos de serviços.

Caixa, o Banco de apoio na execução do Bolsa Família esta desenvolvendo uma serie de pilotos nas cidades mencionadas com vídeos educativos sobre planejamento financeiro para multheres e suas famílias e para a operação de pequenas empresas. Também está expandindo a educação financeira das crianças para que elas estejam sensibilizadas sobre a importância da poupança e da administração responsável do dinheiro.

Foto: Ministry of Social Development

Catalina Gomez, São Paulo Community Manager

The Brazilian National Industry Federation estimates that more than a third of the country’s population over the age of 16 (around 50 million people) doesn’t have a bank account and has no access to credit and saving services. The most affected are low-income populations, who have low levels of literacy and education. Tereza Campello, the Social Development Minister, has explained on various occasions that “against all odds, financial inclusion challenges are less related to distance, access to banking services, and lack of bank branches in remote areas, and much more related to the lack of adequate information about people’s rights.” Campello also added that “many low-income populations don’t have adequate information, as they think that opening a bank account requires a complex bureaucratic process and a minimum deposit. They feel that they cannot meet minimum requirements.”

Given the situation described by the Minister, Brazil’s priority in recent years has been to reduce information barriers and to design financial products and services that are appropriate for low-income populations. One of the key mechanisms to support financial inclusion, especially for women, has been the Bolsa Família program — the cash transfer that benefits more than 13 million low-income families. The program transfers monthly stipends to each family depending on their poverty level and their number of children. In 93 percent of cases, women are the main recipients of these transfer, emboldening their voices and boosting their empowerment within the household.

“Bolsa” contributes to the first stages of financial inclusion, as it provides a bank account and a card for each beneficiary family. With this card, beneficiaries can withdraw the cash that has been granted by the program. This is many women’s first time owning a bank account and a card; this initiative provides them with basic knowledge about the banking system and its operation. Unfortunately, most beneficiaries withdraw the full amount from their monthly deposit and don’t use their accounts as proper checking or saving accounts. Some families save the cash at home, while others spend it as soon as they withdraw it.

A recent study of financial inclusion among Bolsa Família beneficiaries found that beneficiaries still don’t fully understand the rules and procedures of banking, demonstrating the need for better information regarding basic banking concepts and practices. The report also highlights that 65 percent of Bolsa Família beneficiaries have mobile phones, and although the phones are currently used to contact beneficiaries about program updates, they should also be used to allow easier resource management of their bank accounts, including to pay bills.

Caixa, the bank that supports the implementation of Bolsa Família, is currently piloting educational campaigns. These include videos with accessible information on financial planning targeted to women and their families, and for the operation of small businesses. It is also extending educational campaigns to children in order to engage them early about the basic concepts of saving and adequate personal finance.

Photo credit: Ministry of Social Development

María Fernanda Carvallo, Gestor Comunitario de Mexico D.F.

En el 2013 el Banco Mundial realizó un estudio junto con Global Findex (el Índice Global de Inclusión Financiera) confirmando grandes brechas de género en el tema de inclusión financiera. De acuerdo al Banco Mundial, las mujeres son 15 por ciento menos propensas de tener una cuenta bancaria, (la cifra es mayor en mujeres en condiciones de pobreza), lo que hace que este grupo sea muy vulnerable ante el tema. Este estudio demuestra que la inclusión financiera va más allá de la apertura de cuentas bancarias, como el acceso a sistemas de préstamo y ahorro, o el pertenecer a sistemas financieros formales que abren las puertas al ingreso proveniente de otras fuentes. Asli Demirguc-Kunt, Directora de Investigación del Banco Mundial afirma que “[s]in una cuenta, a las mujeres les cuesta más ahorrar formalmente y recibir subsidios gubernamentales o remesas de familiares que viven en el extranjero.” Las mujeres son el sustento de los hogares, por lo que la falta de inclusión financiera refleja poca independencia económica y dificultad al obtener ingresos por cuenta propia.

En el estudio del Especial de Inclusión Financiera de Nextbillion y Ashoka Changemakers, CrediMUJER de Perú afirma que la inclusión financiera está relacionada con el reconocimiento de los derechos de las mujeres, el refuerzo de su autoestima, autonomía económica y control de su vida.

En este contexto, Alcance Financiera brinda servicios crediticios a la mujer generadora de ingresos en condiciones de pobreza y vulnerabilidad—a través del apoyo a la actividad productiva se genera transformación en el contexto de las mujeres. El pago de los créditos es realizado a través de la generación de ingresos de la actividad productiva apoyada.

Alcance Financiera y Pro Mujer son organizaciones subsidiarias del programa de educación financiera de la organización Freedom from Hunger (Libre de Hambre). El programa Credit with Education (Crédito con Educación) integra el acceso a las microfinanzas, combinado con enseñanzas educativas para las mujeres. El programa está basado en créditos comunitarios, incentivando a que las mujeres se unan en un grupo para recibir préstamos y así garantizar conjuntamente el pago. (En las reuniones de los grupos se depositan los pagos y los ahorros.) Además, se comparten aprendizajes y conocimientos a través de sesiones dinámicas y lúdicas sobre: mejores prácticas de negocios, diversificación de actividades emprendedoras, contabilidad básica, finanzas del hogar y estrategias de ahorro y préstamos.

Un caso de éxito, se encuentra al norte de la Ciudad de México, en el que Pro Mujer y Credit with Education apoyaron a una pequeña tienda de abarrotes de la Señora Yolanda. La “tiendita” abastece al vecindario y a comunidades cercanas, por lo que la Señora Yolanda descubrió que mientras más productos tiene en inventario, más ganancias se generan y más gente se atrae. Un primer crédito de $167 dólares ($2.150 pesos) lo obtuvo de Pro Mujer para abastecer el inventario de la tienda; al pagar el crédito obtuvo $287 dólares ($3.700 pesos) más para incrementarlo. Como parte del crédito, la Señora Yolanda se incorporó al programa Credit with Education en el que ha logrado pagar los préstamos y ahorrar para la inversión en la educación de sus hijos.

El propósito de estos programas es de incentivar a que las mujeres progresen. Esto requiere que las mujeres tomen decisiones financieras. Por otro lado, requiere que reflexionen acerca de las estrategias de crédito, de las circunstancias que las ameritan, y en las formas de ahorro y sus ventajas.

Foto: Pro Mujer México

María Fernanda Carvallo, Mexico City Community Manager

In 2013, the World Bank conducted a study along with Global Findex (the Global Financial Inclusion Database) confirming the existence of large gender gaps with regard to financial inclusion. According to the World Bank, women are 15 percent less likely to have a bank account (the figure is higher for women living in poverty), making women as a whole more vulnerable to financial exclusion. This study demonstrates that financial inclusion is far more than just opening a bank account. It includes having access to borrowing and lending systems, and being a member of formal financial systems, allowing access to other sources of income. Asli Demirguc-Kunt, Investigative Director at the World Bank, stated that “without a bank account, women have a difficult time saving and receiving government subsidies or remittances from family members living abroad.” Women are the foundation of the home, so the lack of financial inclusion leads to a lack of economic independence.

In a Nextbillion and Ashoka Changemakers study, “Financial Inclusion Special,” CrediMUJER of Peru states that financial inclusion is essential to the recognition of women’s rights, the strengthening of their self-esteem and economic autonomy, and their control over their own lives.

In this context of financial exclusion, Alcance Financiera provides credit services to poor and vulnerable women who are income earners. Women launch income-generating activities that transform their lives and help them repay their credit payments.

Alcance Financiera and Pro Mujer are subsidiary organizations of the financial education program at Freedom from Hunger. The Credit with Education program combines the access to microfinance with educational modules for women. The program is based on community credits, creating incentives for women to join a group in order to receive loans, and thus jointly to guarantee that payments are made. Payments and savings are collected at group meetings. In addition, knowledge and information is shared through dynamic and creative sessions on proper business practices, diversification of entrepreneurial activities, basic accounting, household finances, and saving and lending strategies.

A financial inclusion success story can be found north of Mexico City, where Pro Mujer and Credit with Education supported a small grocery store owned by Mrs. Yolanda. The tiendita (small store) supplies the entire neighborhood and nearby communities with groceries. Mrs. Yolanda learned that by having a fully-stocked inventory, more people shopped at her store, and more profits were generated. She was able to obtain a loan of $167 dollars ($2,150 pesos) from Pro Mujer to restock her store’s inventory. Upon paying off her loan, she obtained an additional $287 dollars ($3,700 pesos) to help her with future costs. As part of the credit terms, Mrs. Yolanda joined the Credit with Education program, where she received help in paying off her loans and information on how to save for the future education of her children.

The goal of these programs is to encourage women to transform their lives. This requires the women to make financial decisions; it requires them to reflect on their financial circumstances and where they stand, on credit strategies, and on saving methods and their benefits.

Photo: Pro Mujer México

Katy Fentress, Nairobi Community Manager

In Kenyan communities that have little of the collateral needed to access credit, a common approach is to set up savings and investment associations known as “Chamas.”

A Chama is an informal group, often composed of women, that follows a system by which everyone contributes money on a regular basis and in turn gets disbursed a fixed amount. The method evolved from the tradition of rural women grouping together and pooling their labor to work on each other’s farms.

Over the past decades, Chamas have increased in popularity: women have embraced them not only to send their children to school, undertake household maintenance, and weather them through major events and crises, but also as engines with which to forward their entrepreneurial skills and invest in income-generating activities.

As women’s priorities have changed, so have Chamas, which in time have evolved into recognized credit-worthy institutions. Major banks like Rafiki Microfinance, K-Rep, Barclays, Kenya Commercial Bank, and Bank of Africa have all begun to recognize the potential of Chamas and to create lending schemes focused on their needs.

Smaller credit institutions that provide financial mentoring, tailor-made solutions, and a more grassroots approach to lending are also getting in on the game. In Nairobi, for example, a company called Creative Capital Solutions (CCS) has since 2006 been providing cash-flow solutions to female-run Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) and Chamas.

“We initially used to also target men’s groups,” says Sadiq Dewani, the CCS Operations Director. “Unfortunately, men would all too often use the money for other purposes or turn out to be serial borrowers. We realized that women were more reliable earners and generally had around 60 percent to 70 percent returns on their investments, so we decided to cater our credit solutions specifically around their needs.”

The objective of CCS is to offer fast, flexible and, above all, manageable solutions to women’s Chamas. “We aim to provide alternative, niche solutions for women who cannot find working capital from banks that have stringent requirements, rely on collateral, and do not offer flexible options catered around the groups’ needs,” explains Dewany, who says that although major banks do lend to Chamas, the system can be complicated and groups can easily get disheartened by all the bureaucracy. “With our approach we initially focus on providing a two-week financial training program; following this, we undertake individual group background checks in order to assess their ability to pay back loans, and if they are then accepted, we formalize the group and enable it to borrow from us.”

Similarly to unsecured micro-finance loans, Chama lending usually has high interest rates. CCS has devised a methodology by which if groups pay back loans faster, they can reduce the amount they have to pay. According to Dewany, the system is working, and the fact that their repayment rates stand at around 85 percent is proof of this.

CCS has over the years helped women’s Chamas set up irrigation schemes, flour mills, bakeries, tailors, hairdressers, and tea shops. In Nairobi, they currently work with 12 different women’s Chamas situated in different corners of the city. Their loans go from as low as 30,000Ksh- ($350) to as high as 300,000Ksh- ($3,500). They are currently in the process of mutating into an established Microfinance lending institution.

“We are exploring options for increasing the level of training we undertake with individual groups,” concludes Dewani. “Although this might prove costly for us, we feel that the better trained our members are, the more they can make out of their money and, eventually, the more returns we will see.”

Carlin Carr, Bangalore Community Manager

The poor live in precarious circumstances on a daily basis. Unexpected illnesses or job losses that would put a strain on any family often leave the poor on the brink. With no access to the formal banking system, microloans have not only served to help in emergency situations, but have actually helped these families to build up savings and gain access to important, life-saving products. The loans, mainly to women, have expanded in purpose and scope since Grameen launched its rural banking system in the 1990s. Today, microfinance institutions such as Samasta in Bangalore have used the women’s groups that form the basis of lending to focus loans on other important intervention areas, including insurance, home gas connections, and water purifiers.

Samasta started in Bangalore in 2008 and in just the first two years reached nearly 77,000 clients with a 99.97 percent repayment rate. Originally focusing on India’s southern states, the institution’s goal is to expand north and reach 1.8 million people by the end of this year. The bank’s focus is to “bridge the gap between ambition and achievement for the working poor across India, by providing financial and non-financial services in a sustainable, long-term relationship to enable them to achieve a better quality of life.” Samasta has had to expand its range of products in order to keep its clients as long-term customers.

Some of the new products Samasta has added include:

• Micro Health Insurance: The United Samasta Micro Health Insurance policy protects members and their families from burdensome costs due to unexpected medical emergencies.

• LPG (Liquid Petroleum Gas) Loan: The LPG loan helps clients to move away from collecting firewood or accessing kerosene, both of which are highly polluting and dangerous to their health.

• Water Purifier Loan: Not only can lack of access to safe drinking water be dangerous, the ongoing health impacts due to water-borne illnesses can take a large financial toll on families. This loan helps families access new safe-water technologies and products for their home.

One client — 49-year-old Victoria, a grandmother — was selling fruit on the roadside. Her first micro loan with Samasta helped her to set up a fruit stall at the market, thereby increasing her income. Once she repaid her first loan, Victoria took out a second loan to invest in her granddaughter’s education. Samasta’s loans have empowered women such as Victoria to take control of her family’s health and well-being in a variety of ways, from education to household improvements to healthcare.

No longer subject to rogue moneylenders, Victoria and thousands of others are taking incremental steps to improve their daily lives and expand opportunities for their own families as well as for the next generation. The growing importance of MFIs in the lives of the poor has moved the institutional role from one of expanding income opportunities to expanding opportunities to improve the overall quality of life. This is the new MFI in India.

Photo credit: McKay Savage

অনুবাদকঃ ফারজানা নওশিন এবং নুসরাত ইয়াসমিন

বাংলাদেশের আর্থসামাজিক উন্নতির জন্য মহিলাদের অর্থনীতিতে অংশগ্রহণ প্রধান চাবিকাঠি। শহরাঞ্চলের মহিলারা বিশেষত যারা ঢাকায় বাস করেন, তারা প্রতিনিয়ত বিভিন্ন জটিল সমস্যার মুখোমুখি হন যেমন নারী সহিংসতা, অপুষ্টি এবং গর্ভকালীন শারীরিক জতিলতা; এসকল সমস্যার অন্যতম কারণ নারীদের অনেকসময়ই পরিবারের অর্থনৈতিক সিদ্ধান্ত নেয়া থেকে বঞ্চিত করা হয়। মহিলারা ঘরের সকল কাজ করে এবং ঘরের বাইরেও তাদের কাজের সুযোগ ও চাহিদা বেড়ে যাচ্ছে; কিন্তু এসকল কাজের বিনিময়ে তাদের উপযুক্ত মজুরি দেয়া হচ্ছে না। সুতরাং, বাংলাদেশ এবং অন্যান্য উন্নয়নশীল দেশের অর্থনৈতিক বৃদ্ধি নিশ্চিত করার জন্য অর্থনীতিতে মহিলাদের অংশগ্রহন অত্যন্ত প্রয়োজনীয় এবং তাদের অংশগ্রহণের জন্য যথাশীঘ্র প্রয়োজনীয় আইন তৈরি করা উচিত।

ঢাকার বস্তিতে বসবাসরত মহিলারা সাধারণত অর্থনৈতিক ব্যাবস্থার ব্যাবহার সঠিক ভাবে করতে পারেন না; অপরুন্তু ডোনার এবং এন জি ও এর কাছ থেকে যে পরিমান অর্থ আসে তা এই বস্তির মহিলারা পান না, কারণ ডোনার এবং এন জি ও এসব বস্তি মূল্যায়ন করে না। এসব মহিলারা কোন ধনশম্পত্তিও পান না এবং তারের কোন ভুমি অধিকারও থাকে নাহ। বস্তুত, খাদ্য এবং কৃষি জরিপ অনুযায়ী বাংলাদেশে কেবল ২% মহিলা ভুমির মালিক, যা প্রতিবেশী দেশগুলোর তুলনায় অত্যন্ত কম। মহিলারা পার্লামেন্টে এবং অন্যান্য কর্মক্ষেত্রে এখন কাজ করলেও ভূমিমালিকাধীন নারীর সংখ্যা এখনো অনেক কম, যা অর্থনৈতিক নিরাপত্তা রক্ষায় অত্যন্ত গুরুত্বপূর্ণ।

মহিলাদের ভুমিঅধিকার তাদেরকে অর্থনৈতিক ভাবে সবল করে তুলবে এবং তাদেরকে আত্মবিশ্বাসী করে তুলবে কর্মস্থলে সহকর্মীদের সাথে কাধে কাধ মিলিয়ে কাজ করার। বাংলাদেশে ব্রাক এবং বাংলাদেশ ব্যাংক মহিলাদের ভূমিমালিকানা নিয়ে সক্রিয় ভাবে কাজ করছে। ঢাকার বস্তিবাসীদের এলাকায় চরম দারিদ্র্য মোকাবেলার, ব্র্যাক “দারিদ্র্য হ্রাস এর সীমানা চ্যালেঞ্জিং” তার প্রোগ্রাম শুরু করছে যা ২০০২ সালের টার্গেটিং আল্ট্রা খারাপ (TUP) এর একটি অংশ।এটির মিশন চরম দারিদ্রে বাস করা মানুষদের অর্থনৈতিক এবং সামাজিক ক্ষমতার উন্নয়ন করা। এটি প্রথমে গ্রামকেন্দ্রিক প্রোজেক্ট ছিল কিন্তু এর সাফল্যর জন্য এটি এখন শহরাঞ্চলেও কাজ করে। টি ইউ পি প্রোজেক্ট মহিলাদের উপর বেশী প্রাধান্য দেয় কারণ ব্রাক বিশ্বাস করে যেহেতু মহিলারা সবসময়ই ঘরের কাজ করে এবং কম অর্থের অধিকারী হয় তাই তাদের কথার সমাজে মূল্যায়ন পাওয়ার সম্ভাবনা বেশী।

প্রকল্প শুরু করার আগে, ঢাকার সবচেয়ে অসহায় মহিলাদের সনাক্ত করার জন্য ঢাকার জুরাইন ও মোহাম্মদপুর এলাকাই একটি জরিপ চালানো হয়। এই দুই বস্তি থেকে প্রাথমিকভাবে ১০০ পরিবারকে বাছাই করা হয়, এবং ২০১২ সালের এপ্রিলে আরও তেরটি ভিন্ন বস্তিকে এই প্রোগ্রামের অন্তর্ভুক্ত করা হয়। এই বস্তিগুলোর মধ্য থেকে টিইউপি প্রোগ্রাম এমন ৩০০ পরিবারকে নির্বাচন করে যার সদস্যরা দীর্ঘস্থায়ী ক্ষুধা, অপর্যাপ্ত আশ্রয়, এবং শহুরে ও মৌলিক সুবিধা থেকে বঞ্চিত। নির্বাচিত নারীদের সম্পদ স্থানান্তর, এন্টারপ্রাইজ উন্নয়ন ও পৃষ্ঠপোষকতার উপর প্রশিক্ষণ দেওয়া হয়। ব্র্যাকের এই প্রোগ্রামের উপর তৈরীকৃত মূল্যায়ন প্রতিবেদন থেকে দেখা যাই, মহিলাদের মধ্যে সম্পদ স্থানান্থরের পরেও সম্পদ ধারণের ক্ষেত্রে উল্লেখযোগ্য উন্নতি হয়েছে। সম্পদ স্থানান্থর, টিইউপি প্রোগ্রামের একটি গুরুত্বপূর্ণ অঙ্গ কারণ এটি মহিলাদের পশু-মালিক হতে এবং ব্যবসায় মূলধন নিয়োগের সুযোগ সৃষ্টি করে দেয়। প্রশিক্ষিত হওয়ার পর মহিলারা টিইউপি প্রোগ্রামের পৃষ্ঠপোষকতায় নিজস্ব ব্যবসা শুরু করতে পারেন।

যদিও আরবান টিইউপি প্রোগ্রাম এখনো প্রাথমিক অবস্থায় রয়েছে, এরই মধ্যে তা সুবিধাভোগীদের জীবনে ইতিবাচক প্রভাবী হিসেবে প্রমাণিত করেছে। উদাহরণস্বরূপ, এক মহিলা চা ব্যবসায়ী টিইউপি প্রোগ্রামের পৃষ্ঠপোষকতায় তার আয় স্বল্পসময়ে ১০০ টাকা থেকে ৪০০ টাকায় উন্নীত করেছে। উপরন্তু, প্রোগ্রামের স্বাস্থ্য বিভাগ মহিলাদের সুস্থ ও সক্রিয় রাখবার জন্য স্বাস্থ্য সুবিধা প্রদান করে যাচ্ছে যাতে কেউ যেন মাঝপথে কাজ ছেড়ে না দেয়। এক কথায়, ব্র্যাকের আরবান টিইউপি প্রোগ্রামের প্রশিক্ষণ ও আর্থিক ইনসেনটিভ শক্তি প্রমাণ করে, আর্থ-সামাজিক অবস্থান ও ঢাকার জমি মালিকানা সুযোগ সৃষ্টির মাধ্যমে নারীর ক্ষমতায়ন সম্ভব।

Photo credit: BRAC Communications

Syeda Ahmed and Rubina Akter, Dhaka Community Managers

Finding ways to financially include women is one of the major keys to socio-economic development in Bangladesh. While women are usually responsible for household labor and increasingly for outside work and wages, they generally do not receive equal recognition or pay for their labor. In fact, according to a Food and Agricultural survey, only two percent of the women in Bangladesh own land, which is very low compared to neighboring countries. Despite women’s notable representation in the workforce, their lack of access to land ownership is one of the fundamental barriers to financial stability. Financial inclusion is therefore a high-priority policy goal for Bangladesh in order to ensure stable and equitable economic growth.

BRAC and the Bangladesh Bank are helping women gain access to financial services and land ownership. Women living in Dhaka’s slums, in particular, have very limited access to financial services, as little aid comes from the government and NGOs because the slums are not officially recognized. These women do not have access to wealth and savings, and land rights are usually totally absent. To address this problem, BRAC initiated “Challenging the Frontiers of Poverty Reduction” (CFPR) in 2010, a part of the Targeting Ultra Poor (TUP) program. Its mission is to strengthen the economic and social capacities of the people who live in extreme poverty. Initially, the TUP program was rurally based, but the huge success of the project led to its expansion into urban areas. The Urban TUP program is focused on women since BRAC believes that women have less access to wealth than men, but a greater potential to influence social standards.

Before starting the project, a survey was conducted to select the areas with the most vulnerable women in Dhaka, resulting in the selection of Jurain and Mohammadpur districts. The pilot program started off with one hundred households from these two slums. By April 2012, the program had grown to include 13 different slums. Within these slums, the TUP program selects 300 families whose members are suffering from chronic hunger, inadequate shelter, and lack of access to basic facilities. The selected women were given training in assets transfer, enterprise development, and support for enterprise. According to BRAC’s impact assessment report of the program, there is a significant improvement in participating women’s holding assets. Asset transfer is a particularly important component of the TUP strategy, as it allows women to own livestock and have business inputs. After being trained, women can then start their own businesses, supported by the TUP program.

Although the Urban TUP program is fairly recent, it already has had a huge impact on its beneficiaries’ lives. For example, one woman who has a tea business supported by the TUP program increased her income from 100 ($1.25) taka to 400 ($5) taka within a short time. In addition, the health module of the program provides health facilities, helping the women remain active and reducing sick days. In all, BRAC’s Urban TUP program demonstrates the power of training and financial incentives in empowering women through socio-economic status and land ownership in Dhaka.

Photo credit: BRAC Communications