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  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    Land titles have a big impact on the lives of the poor: without them, residents of informal or marginalized communities are in constant fear of relocation or demolition, and are prevented from benefiting from the land’s productive uses. Housing tenure gives slum residents a guaranteed right to the land and their properties, and enables them to make investments that improve their living conditions. The following articles describe four initiatives in Bogotá, Rio de Janeiro, Johannesburg, and Bangalore that are working to resolve the tricky issue of land titling. Read on to learn more, and then join the discussion below.

    Jorge Bela, Gestor Comunitario de Bogotá

    Uno de los principales frenos al desarrollo de los asentamientos irregulares es la falta de títulos de propiedad por parte de sus ocupantes. En Colombia, donde los conflictos armados que se prolongan desde hace décadas han sumado un número significativo de desplazados por la violencia a los flujos migratorios observados en toda Latinoamérica, este problema tiene una especial gravedad. Para atajar este problema en el año 2005 se aprobó una ley que permitía la transferencia gratuita de predios fiscales, o de titularidad pública, que hubieran sido ocupados antes de 2001. El alcance de esta ley deja fuera del proyecto de titulación a los asentamientos edificados sobre predios de propiedad privada.

    Uno de los proyectos mas exitosos dentro de este programa se está realizando en Bogotá. Se trata de un asentamiento informal extendido sobre 70 hectáreas en las localidades Álvaro Uribe Uribe y Suba, y en el que vivían más de 5.000 familias. El proyecto fue lanzado en 2008 y en la actualidad se han entregado ya 4.200 títulos. El proyecto es singular por su tamaño, es el mayor de Colombia, y por el alto porcentaje de éxito conseguido con el mismo. Alejandro Quintero, coordinador del Grupo de Titulación y Saneamiento Predial del Ministerio de Vivienda considera que el proyecto constituye un modelo a seguir en otras ciudades, y ya tienen previsto aplicarlo en a Cúcuta y Melgar.

    Los terrenos eran propiedad del Estado colombiano, lo que requirió una serie de actos legales para facilitar su cesión: incluso el Presidente tuvo que emitir un acto administrativo para ceder en primera instancia la propiedad al ministerio de vivienda, quien con posterioridad lo transfirió a la Alcaldía de Bogotá. Fue la Alcaldía, a través de a Secretaría Distrital del Habitat quien se encargó del complejo proceso de entrega de títulos. A pesar de la dificultad jurídica de la operación y de la diferente orientación política de las administraciones local y nacional, la relación entre ambas ha sido fluida en este proyecto, según afirmó Alejandro Quintero.

    Aunque la asignación de títulos es relativamente costosa, pues se requiere un certificado de plano predial, el avalúo del inmueble y otros gastos, gran parte de estos se cubrieron gracias a un préstamo del Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo, que acompañó al Ministerio de la Vivienda en este proyecto. Aunque los habitantes de los asentamientos en un principio recibieron las visitas de los funcionarios, que se acercaban a sus viviendas para recabar datos, con recelo, pronto se solventaron estos problemas de confianza. Las viviendas ubicadas en zonas de alto riesgo, como quebradas, o en el ámbito de seguridad de la cárcel de la Picota, fueron excluidas, y sus habitantes incluidos en un proceso de reubicación. Tampoco se entregaron títulos a las personas que hubieron obtenido la vivienda mediante fraude o extorsión, ni a las que excedían de un valor de 79.000.000 COP (unos 40.000US).

    Al tiempo que se entregaban los títulos, se realizó un proyecto de regulación urbanística y otro de mejoramiento de viviendas. Para Alejandro Quintero los efectos de todas estas intervenciones han sido rotundos: los habitantes de los 14 barrios que resultaron tienen una mayor calidad de vida, gozan de una mayor seguridad jurídica, quedan más lejos de la pobreza al tener un patrimonio que les permite respaldar actividades económicas, y generan ingresos fiscales nuevos para Bogotá. Para el 15 de noviembre han organizado un Foro Internacional de Titulación en el que esperan intercambiar experiencias con otros países de la región.

    Jorge Bela, Bogotá Community Manager

    Lack of property titles is one of the most significant barriers to development and poverty reduction in informal settlements. This problem is particularly serious in Colombia, where people displaced by several decades of armed conflict have joined the large number of immigrants for economic reasons in creating the largest number of informal settlements in Latin America. A law enacted in 2005 sought to tackle, at least partially, this problem by allowing for free transfer of property to informal residents. The scope of the law was limited to settlements established on public land before 2001, thus excluding all settlements on private land.

    One of the most successful programs undertaken under this law is in its final stages of implementation in Bogotá. It covered a huge informal settlement, 70 hectares in total, over the Usme and Álvaro Uribe wards, with over 5,000 families living there. The project was launched in 2008, and 4,200 property titles have been issued so far. The project is unique because of its size and the high rate of success. Alejandro Quintero, coordinator of the group in charge of the project in the Ministerio de la Vivienda, believes it can serve as a model for other cities, and Ministerio is in the process of launching similar ones in Cúcuta and Melgar.

    The settlement’s land was owned by the central Colombian Government, which presented unique legal challenges. A Presidential decree was necessary first to transfer the property to the Ministerio de la Vivienda, which in turn transferred it to the City of Bogotá. The City, through its Secretaría Distrital del Habitat was then in charge of the complex process of issuing individual titles to settlers. Despite the legal difficulties and the fact that the city and national governments were controlled by opposing political parties, the cooperation between them has been mostly smooth, according to Mr. Quintero.

    Even if the land is transferred for free, there are significant expenses associated with the process, which can be prohibitive for settlers. It is necessary, for example, to issue certificates of land registry, and to make price appraisals for each house. The Inter American Development Bank gave a loan to the Ministerio de la Vivienda to cover these costs, thus further facilitating the process. Although the residents were initially reluctant to provide the exhaustive information necessary to obtain the titles, soon a trusting relationship was established between then and the authorities. Houses located in high-risk areas, such as riverbanks, or too close to the Picota jail — the largest in Bogotá — were demolished, and the affected families where included in a relocation program. People who had obtained their houses through violence or fraud, as well as houses worth over 79,000,000 COP (about $40,000), were also excluded from the process.

    At the same time that the titles were being issued, urban planning and housing improvement projects were implemented. Alejandro Quintero believes that the result of all these initiatives has been clear: the inhabitants of the 14 neighborhoods resulting from the mass regularization of the informal settlements enjoy higher living standards, have stronger legal protection, are further away from poverty as they now have assets they can use to back economic activities, and generate new fiscal income for the city. On November 15th, the Ministerio de Vivienda will hold a seminar in order to share this experience with other countries in the region.

    Catalina Gomez, Coordenadora da Rede em Rio de Janeiro

    Rio de Janeiro está avançando na expansão efetiva da titulação de terras e beneficiando a sua população mais vulnerável. Esta direção positiva é o resultado da implementação do programa habitacional Minha Casa Minha Vida e do programa de melhoramento de bairros Morar Carioca.

    Minha Casa Minha Vida está focado em apoiar famílias de baixa renda na aquisição de moradia nova e na provisão do seu título de posse. O programa foi criado em 2009 e conta com a liderança e financiamento do Ministério das Cidades. Este ministério tem construído mais de um milhão de unidades habitacionais no Brasil e tem previsão de entregar mais dois milhões até 2014. Especificamente no Rio, Minha Casa Minha Vida é liderado em parceria pelas secretarias de habitação dos governos estadual e municipal; até hoje já fizeram entrega de mais de 60 mil moradias novas construídas em espaços regularizados, garantindo condições legais, habitacionais e ambientais adequadas.

    Morar Carioca complementa estes esforços focando-se no apoio da população que mora em assentamentos irregulares por médio de intervenções de melhoramento de bairros, expansão de serviços sociais e a promoção da regularização fundiária e a entrega de títulos de posse. O programa que foi lançado a partir de 2010 é liderado pela Secretaria Municipal de Habitação em coordenação com outras instituições.

    Especificamente sobre os processos de regularização e titulação realizados pelo Morar Carioca, vale ressaltar a complexidade daqueles processos; eles envolvem vários procedimentos burocráticos que levam meses em concluir, tais como: (i) registro das terras e seu uso; (ii) pesquisa e registro socioeconômico dos beneficiários; (iii) preparação da documentação legal e delimitação; e (iv) autorização dos títulos de posse. Todos estes trâmites são feitos com um número limitado de pessoal especializado, o que ressalta a necessidade de fortalecer os recursos humanos nesta área.

    Embora a regularização fundiária e a titulação sejam processos complexos e longos, Morar Carioca tem conseguido avançar na entrega de resultados com mais de 50 mil famílias beneficiadas com títulos de posse. Parte do sucesso do processo é a criação de varias unidades de informação nas comunidades beneficiarias que providenciam assistência e apoio para as famílias durante o ciclo de regularização e titulação.

    Ainda com os resultados bem sucedidos destes programas, existem dois desafios principais. O primeiro destaca a necessidade de reduzir os tempos de regularização e titulação para que sejam mais efetivos e menos burocráticos. O segundo, ainda mais complexo é a necessidade de fortalecer os direitos dos cidadãos que não tem documentação legal de propriedade suas terras e estão sendo expulsas para dar espaço às obras relacionadas com a Copa e as Olimpíadas.

    Foto: Secretaria de Estado de Habitação de Rio de Janeiro

    Catalina Gomez, Rio de Janeiro Community Manager

    Rio de Janeiro is actively moving forward with the expansion of effective land titling for its most vulnerable citizens. This positive trend is the result of the implementation of programs such as Minha Casa Minha Vida, the national housing program, and Morar Carioca, the city’s urban upgrading program.

    Minha Casa Minha Vida (My House My Life) supports low-income, first-time home buyers with the provision of affordable and flexible home-buying schemes, as well as though the provision of land titles upon the receipt of their new homes. The program, which was launched in 2009, is funded by the Ministry of the Cities; since then it has delivered more than one million houses throughout Brazil, and is expected to deliver two million more by 2014. In Rio, Minha Casa Minha Vida is implemented in partnership between the state and municipal housing secretariats. To date, these institutions have delivered more than 60,000 new units (and have announced 40,000 more for next year), all which have been constructed in formal spaces, with adequate legal, urban, and environmental conditions.

    Morar Carioca complements these efforts by supporting residents of informal settlements. The program works to upgrade neighborhood conditions, expand social services, and conduct regularization and titling services. Morar Carioca has been in place since 2010 and is led by the city’s Secretariat of Housing, in coordination with other local government bodies.

    With regard to the land regularization procedures and title provisions provided by Morar Carioca, it is worth noting that these processes aren’t as straightforward as many would think; they involve various bureaucratic procedures that sometimes take months to complete. These steps include (i) registering land extension and use; (ii) carrying out socio-economic profiles and registry of beneficiaries; (iii) preparing legal paperwork for land delimitation; and (iv) authorizing and issuing proper land titles. All of these tasks are carried out by a limited number of officers, demonstrating the need to strengthen related human and technical capacities in this field.

    Although land regularization and titling are complex and time-consuming processes, Morar Carioca is moving forward with the delivery of land titles and legal tenure services. As of June 2013, there have been around 50,000 families who have benefited from land regularization and legal tenure services. Pivotal to the program’s successful land regularization process has been the establishment of information desks in each beneficiary neighborhood, so that residents can receive guidance on the regularization procedures and further completion of the titling process.

    Although these two programs are well established and have been effective in delivering successful results, there are two main challenges ahead. The first is the need to make land regularization procedures more effective and less bureaucratic. The second is the need to properly address the rights of residents, including those without legal documentation. This is particularly relevant in a context of reported displacements of low-income families without proper land tenure in order to make room for World Cup and Olympic Games facilities.

    Photo credit: Secretaria de Estado de Habitação de Rio de Janeiro

    Tariq Toffa, Johannesburg Community Manager

    In South Africa, the government’s response to the characteristically peri-urban poverty of informal settlement (between 1.7 million and 2.5 million households) has occurred within the paradigm of individual title (subsidised housing), the conventional route for informal settlement upgrading in the country. Despite well-intentioned policies, however, this ownership model is far removed from lived realities; where many households are condemned to either waiting patiently for state-subsidised housing or to land occupation, while others cannot access the state subsidy, such as foreign nationals and the poor-but-not-poor-enough-to-qualify. In the longer term, the model could even be said to lock poor people into marginal locations.

    Reflecting global trends over the last decade, however, a more flexible approach is also emerging, as represented by the Urban LandMark (Urban Land Markets Programme Southern Africa) programme, which advocates for opening up more officially recognised channels of land supply as a primary means for improving the pro-poor access to and functioning of urban land markets, and the benefits that flow from it. Based in Pretoria, the programme was set up in 2006 with funding from the UK’s Department for International Development (UKaid), and is now hosted at the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research in South Africa.

    While an emphasis on individual ownership rights represents one approach to tenure; a second approach emphasises the administrative and legal mechanisms to tenure security as a first step towards official recognition. The Urban LandMark model, in seeking to realistically provide increasing levels of security during the period between informal settlement of an area and the delivery of ownership (through the housing subsidy), incorporates elements of both views. This incremental approach is probably the most distinctive feature of the model.

    A second and integral aspect of this approach is context specificity. By recognising existing local practices in land management (how land is accessed, held, traded, etc.), more appropriate responses that enhance community agency are built. Co-funded by the Cities Alliance Catalytic Fund with UKaid, Urban LandMark researched little-understood, local practices in six poorer urban areas in Southern Africa in order to provide guidance on incrementally securing different routes to tenure in informal settlement upgrading (or “regularisation”). In Johannesburg, from 2009 the City worked closely with Urban LandMark in the City’s Regularisation programme. Tenure security was provided to informal settlements through legalising the land use, allowing them to be upgraded in situ in an incremental way until they can be formally developed. This legal innovation entailed an amendment to the zoning scheme, and resulted in some 23 settlements being declared as transitional areas in 2009.

    A third important — though not emphasised — aspect of the incremental approach is the potential role accorded to space; for recognising local practices also means engaging the socio-spatial relationships that underpin them. Since municipal registers of informal settlement occupants have already been found to play a role in the land market, by linking it to the actual spaces through which practice occurs (e.g. layout plans), they may become an important hybrid resource for tenure security, and economic and social functions.

    Although the delivery of ownership will likely remain a national objective for some time, given the magnitude of informal settlements, alternative approaches remain crucial. However, land use and allocation in Southern Africa remains a highly political issue. It remains to be seen how perceptions of interim-focused models will fare in the long term, against the evidence of past provisions and current expectations of formal housing.

    Fig. 1: Different routes to greater tenure security. Fig. 2: Street and shack numbering: one mechanism for incrementally securing tenure. Both photos by Urban LandMark.

    Carlin Carr, Bangalore Community Manager

    Housing tenure can have a transformative impact on the lives of the poor. The security of ownership rights opens pathways for slum dwellers themselves to upgrade their living environments without fear of relocation or demolition. Beyond improved structural environments, tenure security also leads to improved health conditions, education levels and income levels. In this sense, housing tenure’s ripple effects make it one of the single most important aspects of improving the lives of slum dwellers.

    Yet housing tenure is a complicated issue. India’s most recent policy to tackle urban poverty and create “slum-free cities,” Rajiv Awas Yojana (RAY), recognizes the importance of tenure in creating inclusive cities, but has run into obstacles. RAY’s main tenet is “the security of tenure through entitlement.” In order to enforce this, the policy states that no Central Government support will be given to states which do not give legal entitlement to slum dwellers. The progressive mandate, however, has been less than well received from local governments, leaving RAY in a state of stagnation. “Rajiv Awas Yojana (RAY) has failed to take off, with states expressing reluctance to comply with mandatory provisions for availing central funds under the scheme such as according property rights to slum dwellers and earmarking 25% of the municipal budget for spending in colonies and slums where the urban poor live,” says a 2012 article in the Hindustan Times. Policymakers have had to revisit the strict mandates to encourage movement with the scheme.

    At meeting of over 100 policymakers, academics and practitioners at the Center for Environmental Planning and Technology in Ahmedabad, the participants broke down into working groups and devised strategies and recommendations for providing land tenure in RAY’s policy on slum-free cities. Here are a few key recommendations:

    • Review land ownership patterns: It’s essential to start from a point of identification in the land tenure process. Many tenure issues arise from slums being on private lands or on public lands designated for other uses. It’s important to advocate for bringing all parties — owners and residents — together to negotiate the process and devise mechanisms and strategies for residents to gain rights to tenure.
    • Provide tenure at the slum level: Giving land tenure at the slum level rather than the individual level reduces the likelihood that the tenure will be misused.
    • Ensure basic services are available: Whether the slum has tenure rights or not, basic services should be extended to all the slums. There was a consensus by the group that there should be universal coverage of basic services in all the slums.
    • Involve the community in the process: While “community participation” has become a great buzzword around urban poverty policies and interventions, there are few, if any, institutional mechanisms in place to ensure the participatory process. The CEPT working group suggests that the community must be involved from data collection to the design of the scheme — be it tenure rights or otherwise — to monitoring of the intervention once it’s in place.

    RAY is set to launch now and will be in the implementation phase from 2013-2022. The coming decade will be one to watch in India. RAY’s success, in the end, can only be measured by whether India’s cities have become more inclusive and equitable — not simply if they are slum-free.

    Photo credit: University of Salford Press Office

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

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    Submitted by Riwanto Tirtosudarmo — Mon, 09/23/2013 – 14:42

    Solving the problem of regular flooding (and traffic jams) could be the litmus test of any governor of Jakarta. Since the first day in office, Jokowi and Ahok have given top priority to resolving this flooding problem. They are very aware that the impact of flooding could be lethal and paralyzing for Jakarta. Among many other ways to reduce the impact of flooding, they are restoring the dams that were originally designed to be water catchment areas. Read more.

    Submitted by Riwanto Tirtosudarmo — Mon, 09/23/2013 – 14:36

    Migrasi masyarakat pedesaan ke daerah perkotaan merupakan fenomena umum. Dengan alasan keterdesakan ekonomi mereka hijrah ke kota demi perbaikan kesejahteraan keluarga. Umumnya mereka datang karena telah memiliki saudara atau teman yang sudah lebih dahulu tinggal di kota. Kerap para pendatang mengalami kebingungan karena harus menyesuaikan diri di wilayah baru perkotaan. Keruwetan kota dan sistem nilai yang berbeda membuat mereka tidak nyaman dengan kehidupan kota. Di tempat yang baru mereka juga dibenturkan dengan kendala ekonomi dan kesulitan mencari pekerjaan seperti yang mereka harapkan. Bantuan kelompok pendatang yang sudah mandiri di kota yang berasal dari daerah yang sama kerap menjadi solusi atas permasalahan bagi mereka yang baru sampai di kota. Ikatan persaudaraan dan bantuan ekonomi yang ditawarkan oleh kelompok ini membantu para pendatang untuk menyesuaikan diri secara budaya dan ekonomi dengan kehidupan dan tantangan di kota. Baca lebih lanjut atau bergabung dalam diskusi.

    Submitted by widya anggraini — Mon, 09/16/2013 – 00:00

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    Submitted by widya anggraini — Mon, 09/09/2013 – 00:00

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    Submitted by widya anggraini — Mon, 08/19/2013 – 00:00

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    Submitted by Riwanto Tirtosudarmo — Fri, 08/09/2013 – 00:00

    One of the unintended results of Suharto’s New Order economic development policy and political engineering strategy is the burgeoning phenomenon of the informal sector in Indonesia’s cities. As an academic term, “informal sector” was coined in the 1970s, following the widely debated discussions on the issues of urban bias and “why the poor stay poor” prominently argued by Michael Lipton. Read more.

    Submitted by Riwanto Tirtosudarmo — Fri, 08/09/2013 – 00:00

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    Submitted by widya anggraini — Mon, 08/05/2013 – 00:00

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    Submitted by Nanda Ratna — Wed, 07/24/2013 – 14:17

    Dibawah kepamongan Sandyawan Sumardi, seorang sosial aktivis, sebuah komunitas miskin yang tinggal di bantaran sungai Ciliwung di wilayah yang paling padat penduduk di Jakarta telah melakukan perjuangan untuk memperoleh kembali hak-haknya sebagai warganegara dan sebagai manusia. Ciliwung adalah nama sungai yang membelah kota Jakarta, selalu membawa banjir dimusim hujan karena wilayah pegunungan diatas Jakarta telah berubah dari hutan dan resapan air menjadi vila-vila indah bagi kaum elit. Di tengah-tengah kemelaratan dan lingkungan yang buruk warga miskin dan lemah ini ternyata mampu membentuk Ciliwung Merdeka sebuah platform untuk bergerak dan untuk menyampaikan aspirasi sosial dan politik mereka sebagai warga kota dan warganegara. Baca lebih lanjut.

    Submitted by Riwanto Tirtosudarmo — Fri, 07/12/2013 – 15:44

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    • Nairobi
    • Mumbai
    • Jakarta
    • Mexico
    • Rio
    • (en)
    • Cairo
    • القاهرة
    • Dhaka

    Submitted by Katy Fentress — Mon, 03/11/2013 – 01:00

    Katy Fentress, Nairobi Community Manager

    Homelessness in Nairobi is not always apparent to the passer-by. By night the streets of central town are not full of people sleeping rough as is often the case in affluent “developed” cities. Even in slums, homelessness is quite contained, with people cramming into tiny huts but not on the beaten paths outside.

    There is, however, one part of the population that makes a living in the shadows of Nairobi’s streets. These are youth, constantly on the run from the police, many of whom make a bed for themselves when night falls wherever they can.

    The Undugu society of Kenya, a prominent organization in the sector, divides Nairobi’s street children into four categories: first there are children who work and live on the street full-time, living in groups in temporary shelters; second there are children who work in the streets by day but go home to families in the evening (this category constitutes the majority of street children in Kenya); third there are children who are on the streets occasionally, such as on the weekends or during school holidays; finally there are “street families”, children whose parents are also on the streets. Nairobi’s street youth, known as chokora (scavengers), can be seen by day walking through the streets with a sack slung over their shoulder, looking through trash cans.

    Earlier this week URB.im photographer Michael Obach went to Nairobi’s Westlands neighborhood to talk to some of the young boys who live all of their life on the street. Westlands is one of the city’s mixed neighborhoods in which the rich, the poor and many of those in between coexist in relative harmony. The following are some excerpts from one of his conversations:

    MO: What kind of life do you live, how do you get food, where do you sleep and what problems do you face?

    Isaac Ogang a.k.a Izzoh: I’m 26 and have lived on and off the streets for 15 years. I live with my friends, my parents are pastoralists in Turkana (Northern Kenya) but they weren’t financially strong so I moved to Nairobi when I was eleven, I don’t know if I will find my family if I go home.

    I make my money by carrying a gunnia (gunny sack) and picking up plastic, paper and metal. This gives me enough to get some food. I also eat what I find on the streets and in dustbins. We all pick out the good food, put it in tins and cook it in the evening on a fire. We try to sleep in abandoned houses or construction sites but most of the time we are kicked out and have to make do with bags and cartons. As time goes by you get used to sniffing glue, everyone on the streets sniffs glue or uses something else. We use this for many reasons: because we get cold, because we don’t have shelter, because we are hungry and because the mosquitoes are disturbing us.

    I make about 100 shillings a day (a bit more than a dollar). Some of the boys here don’t feel this is enough so they end up stealing too. When the police comes we have to be on our toes. They often stop and harass us. Sometimes they arrest us for no reason. In Kenya corruption is real, if one of us goes to prison we come together and go to the police station; we can’t go without money though. There we meet the bigger heads and we talk to them nicely and give them some money and they release our friend.

    MO: What organizations have tried to help you and your friends out of the streets?

    Izzoh: When I came to Nairobi I attended the Don Bosco Boys school. Apart from them, there is also IAfrika, the Undugu society and Jamii Bora. There are also other religious organisations like Made in the Streets that works in Eastleigh and others that try to help youth like us but I have not seen them here in Westlands.

    MO: In what way do these organizations try to help you?

    Izzoh: At Don Bosco I remember they taught people carpentry, mechanics, engineering, wiring and other skills that would get them jobs. They also wanted to train kids to help other kids out of the streets. I was with them until standard 8 but then I ran away.

    MO: How do you feel these organisations could improve the work they do?

    Izzoh: I think that for these organizations to improve they must coordinate their work with the government. The NGOs cannot cover all of the street kids of Nairobi (around 60,000).

    We’ve chosen a new government now and we have a constitution. We are Kenyans like other Kenyans and we feel our Ward representatives should register us and start a project. Here in Westlands, we are about 400 street boys. The government should send the small children to schools. Us, we already do so much cleaning and recycling around the city, why can’t they make our work formal? We would like to be able to register ourselves as a cooperative, maybe get a loan so we can buy a lorry or carts to collect the rubbish for recycling. We are the main recyclers in this city, if we could just do this in an official way it would be easier to help ourselves instead of having to ask people for food.

    Carlin Carr, Mumbai Community Manager

    This week we speak with Abhishek Bharadwaj, founder of Alternative Realities, an organization that advocates on behalf of Mumbai’s 200,000 homeless. We discuss who is homeless, what the barriers to housing are, and some innovative solutions that include creating “cities within cities.”

    How do you define homelessness?

    Homeless, according to me, are people who do not have a roof. For our convenience’s sake and for policy people to understand, we have defined homeless very simply as people who are living in the open and the place where they live does not belong to them. It’s important to have the correct definition, because in urban scenarios, you have slum dwellers who are living in slums, and you also have people who are living on the pavement but who have built some structures and have been officially recognized by the local government.

    You make a distinction between the pavement dwellers and the homeless. Does the government make this distinction?

    The government has only one distinction: people who are census households and people who are not census households. So people who are not census households are homeless, according to the government. With this definition, unnotified slums would not be considered as census households, and, therefore, would be considered homeless. If you take this definition, the number of homeless increases a lot.

    What is making people homeless in Mumbai?

    One thing is clear, the change in use of land and the price of land is making people homeless in terms of evicting them multiple times.

    I’ll give you one example from Navi Mumbai: there are around 60 families who have been living there for the last 25-30 years, and now there is a flyover where these people had been living. When the flyover was being built, their structure, which was semi-permanent, was removed. They went from a semi-permanent structure to being homeless after three evictions, which never gave them the opportunity to build any structure. This is happening all over the city, and the difference in Mumbai — compared to Delhi — is that there are many families who are homeless in Mumbai.

    What are some solutions?

    The Mumbai Municipal Corporation and the Navi Mumbai Municipal Corporation are suggesting to build self-sustained satellite locations, or a city within a city. For example, there’s a theater, multiplex, restaurants in Bandra, so you don’t have to go to Colaba. This is very interesting. For these self-sustained cities within cities, you also need labor. If you have a big apartment building where there are 100-150 apartments, you need 50 domestic help in that location. And that help is coming from the homeless. So why not create high income, middle income and low-income housing right there. Unfortunately, no low-income housing ever caters to the people who are earning low in the city. The first thing to be done is to do an Income Census for the homeless, which has never been done. See their capacity to pay. Second thing is that the government is saying we don’t have land. But in Navi Mumbai, there’s a huge railway station that’s three or four floors. They upper levels have been given to offices, but you could take railway stations in Mumbai — Dadar, Victoria Terminus, Churchgate — and build up to create a couple floors of homeless housing. It would also be a revenue generator for the city.

    What is the city’s relationship to the homeless and what is the biggest thing the city can do to have a positive impact on the lives of the homeless?

    When the city is getting built — big infrastructure like roads, flyovers, buildings — it’s the homeless that is doing the work. They are the foundation of the city. Once the people settle into these newly built areas, they need other services to be in place; then, again, homeless come into play. Then, again, we demand them. They move from the foundation to the lifestyle of the city.

    That’s why the authorities will never be able to be able to drive them out of the city. It’s a demand of the city, that’s why they are here. Mumbai Municipal Corporation has been trying to push them out for years by doing so many raids, but they can’t push them out, and this is important. They can’t drive them out simply because the city wants them.

    Submitted by Carlin Carr — Mon, 03/11/2013 – 01:00

    Widya Anggraini, Jakarta Community Manager

    Jakarta’s poorest residents live in shanties in the city’s open spaces, like under bridges, on riverbanks, and on railways. Jokowi, Jakarta’s new governor, is launching a slum-reduction program to build new affordable housing for the homeless. These new settlements have been designed with the community’s participation, and will include schools, sports centers, and health centers. This program is a collaboration between the government, private and state companies through their CSR programs, and the slum dwellers themselves.

    Daerah kumuh atau permukiman miskin merupakan fenomena umum di kota besar dunia terutama di Negara-negara miskin dan sedang berkembang. Akibat tingginya urbanisasi dan terbatasnya lapangan perkerjaan menyebabkan tingginya tingkat kemiskinan di kota. Mereka yang tidak mampu mencari tempat tinggal layak hidup sebagai tunawisma yang berpindah-pindah dan menempati bantaran sungai, pinggiran rel kereta api, bawah jembatan tol, tanah-tanah kosong baik disekitar pabrik maupun di pusat kota dan membangun gubuk liar yang kerap menggangu ketertiban umum dan pemandangan. Minimnya pengawasan dari pemerintah di masa lalu menyebabkan kian merebaknya jumlah pemukiman liar dan membentuk perkampungan kumuh. Berdasar hasil Survey RW Kumuh 2011 oleh BPS DKI Jakarta terdapat 392 RW yang dinyatakan kumuh di wilayah DKI Jakarta.

    Banyak hal yang harus dilakukan untuk menata Jakarta salah satunya adalah penataan daerah kumuh sebagaimana tercantum dalam RPJK Tahun 2005-2025 yang diarahkan untuk mewujudkan Permukiman Tanpa Kumuh tahun 2020 yang juga merupakan fokus kebijakan Gubernur DKI Jakarta Joko Widodo (Jokowi). Untuk itu dalam rangka mengurangi bencana dan pemulihan fungsi saluran air seperti sungai dan waduk maka pemerintah DKI berencana memindahkan warga yang tinggal di pinggiran Sungai CIliwung dan Waduk Pluit. Kedua rencana tersebut masuk ke dalam dua program besar pemerintah DKI Jakarta yaitu Jakarta Urgent Mitigation Project (JUFMP) dan Program Normalisasi Sungai Ciliwung.

    Kedua program tersebut dipastikan akan membawa dampak besar bagi puluhan ribu keluarga yang tinggal di sekitar waduk dan sungai. Bantaran sungai Ciliwung misalnya telah dihuni lebih dari 30.000 KK yang sudah bertahun-tahun menetap dan mencari nafkah diwilayah tersebut. Tidak berbeda dengan mereka yang tinggal di sekitar Waduk Pluit yang ditempati sekitar 10.000 KK. Lokasi strategis merupakan alasan utama mereka menempati sekitar waduk dan sungai ditambah keterbatasan akses terhadap hunian yang terjangkau merupakan faktor pendorong mereka menempati wilayah tersebut.

    Rumah Susun Sederhana Sewa atau Rusunawa dengan konsep kampung deret merupakan upaya baru penataan permukiman kumuh di Jakarta. Sebelumnya pemerintah menggalakkan rehabilitasi kampung yang dikenal dengan program Perbaikan Kampung atau MHT sebagai solusi penataan kampung miskin saat itu yang dievaluasi dan diubah menjadi Program Perbaikan Kampung Terpadu atau MHT Plus sejak 2006. Program ini menitikberatkan pada keterlibatan dan upaya penguatan masyarakat melalui pendampingan dan pembentukan kelompok swadaya masyarakat yang hasilnya ditungkan dalam Community Action Plan (CAP) yang didasarkan pada kebutuhan masyarakat.

    Pembangunan Rusunawa nantinya akan dibebankan pada APBN sedangkan anggaran relokasi warga berasal dari APBD Jakarta. Pemprov DKI juga secara aktif merangkul perusahaan swasta dan pemerintah melalui program CSR-nya untuk ikut serta dalam penanganan pemukiman kumuh di Jakarta beberapa. Lebih lanjut, berdasar keterangan Menteri Permukiman Rakyat, Dian Faridz, konsep Rasunawa tidak akan seperti rumah susun terdahulu namun akan diperbaiki dan dilengkapi dengan sekolah, ruang terbuka hijau, puskesmas dan fasilitas sosial lainnya seperti lapangan olah raga, sanggar tari dan tempat beribadah. Nantinya masyarakat yang menghuni di Rasunawa tersebut juga akan di subsidi oleh pemprov DKI.

    Banyak harapan agar pembangunan Rusunawa akan benar-benar membantu mengurangi terjadinya bencana banjir dan adanya penaatan ruang yang lebih baik untuk Jakarta. Jika selama ini pembangunan rusun dan pebaikan kampung kumuh lebih mengarah pada pembangunan fisik dan infrastruktur maka program-program selanjutnya harus mulai merambah pada pembangunan komunitas (community development) secara seimbang dan berkelanjutan untuk menciptakan pemukiman yang aman nyaman dan tenteram.

    Submitted by widya anggraini — Mon, 03/11/2013 – 13:00

    María Fernanda Carvallo, Mexico City Community Manager

    One of the principal problems in Mexico City is the lack of housing. Miguel Hidalgo, one of the wealthiest municipalities in Mexico D.F., contains an area called the “Lost City,” where 170 families live in overcrowded homes built with cardboard and scrap metal, without proper sanitation. The government has proposed an infrastructure development project for this area, but paperwork, soil studies, permits, and local government transfers remain to be negotiated. Given that the last four local administrations haven’t solved this issue, civil society organizations like Techo may be better suited to provide land tenure, enhance social capital, and empower poor communities in Mexico City.

    Una de las principales problemáticas de la Cd. de México es la falta de vivienda, pues si bien es mucha la demanda por parte de los habitantes, el uso de suelo para el desarrollo habitacional es muy escaso.

    De acuerdo a Vigila tus derechos D.F. “en el Distrito Federal, la realización del derecho a la vivienda presenta limitaciones y obstáculos de diversos tipos; […] Hace falta una política de vivienda con enfoque de derechos humanos y de sustentabilidad, que promueva la coordinación interinstitucional para encontrar soluciones apropiadas a los desafíos del desarrollo urbano, la vivienda y el medio ambiente en la ciudad, incluyendo la situación de los asentamientos irregulares.”

    Una gran proporción de habitantes viven en asentamientos irregulares puesto que no gozan de la seguridad de la tenencia de la tierra y tienen que hacer frente a la necesidad de tener un techo para vivir. Este es el caso de la “Ciudad Perdida” en Tacubaya, ubicada en un predio propiedad del Gobierno del Distrito Federal en la Delegación Miguel Hidalgo en donde 170 familias hacinadas viven en casas de lámina, cartón y algunas construidas con cemento, pero ninguna de ellas cuenta con drenaje. En el centro del laberinto de Ciudad Perdida se encuentran baños públicos que no tienen la infraestructura necesaria para el saneamiento, por lo que la gente acostumbra a defecar en las coladeras de las calles, que en tiempo de lluvias se inundan y se desbordan. Cuando el sol se mete, la Ciudad Perdida hace alusión a su nombre, puesto que es una manzana que no tiene alumbrado público, como un “hoyo negro” dentro de la gran metrópoli.

    Ciudad Perdida es evidencia de altos niveles de marginación que a falta de oportunidades, orilla a sus habitantes a convivir con la delincuencia, alcoholismo y drogadicción.

    La administración saliente de la Delegación Miguel Hidalgo en el 2012 propuso al Gobierno del Distrito Federal (GDF) el desarrollo de infraestructura para una unidad habitacional con todos los servicios en Ciudad Perdida. El proyecto buscaba que el GDF transfiriera recursos al Instituto de Vivienda del Distrito Federal (INVI) para que este fuera el responsable de llevar a una constructora y otorgar créditos a las familias asentadas para que pudieran adquirir su vivienda; la cual costaría aproximadamente $300 mil pesos y podrían pagarlos a 30 años. Mientras se construye la unidad habitacional se planea instalar un campamento temporal que aloje a las 170 familias. Con el cambio de administración del gobierno delegacional y local, el estatus del proyecto se mantiene en negociaciones con el INVI y con el Jefe de Gobierno del DF actual. El proyecto que está gestionando el gobierno delegacional puede tener un gran impacto, sin embargo hay que esperar a que los trámites, estudios de suelo, autorizaciones y transferencias del gobierno local sean autorizadas.

    Algunas otras alternativas de solución para dar acceso a las viviendas en la Cd. de México surgen por parte de la sociedad civil. Por ejemplo, la organización TECHO, que busca superar la situación de pobreza en los asentamientos precarios, a través de la acción conjunta de sus pobladores y jóvenes voluntarios. En la fase inicial de intervención se insertan en los asentamientos y desarrollan un diagnóstico en el que se identifican y caracterizan las condiciones de vulnerabilidad; al igual que un primer acercamiento de los jóvenes voluntarios que promueven la participación de la comunidad. En una segunda fase se gestionan soluciones, entre ellas en el ámbito de habitabilidad; se construyen viviendas de emergencia que responden a una necesidad prioritaria, la vivienda de emergencia de TECHO es un módulo prefabricado de 18 metros cuadrados que se construye en dos días con la participación masiva de jóvenes voluntarios y familias de la comunidad. Este proceso se realiza con un enfoque comunitario, que promueve la organización y participación de la comunidad. En una tercera fase, se promueve la implementación de soluciones definitivas en los asentamientos precarios, como la regularización de la propiedad, servicios básicos, vivienda, infraestructura comunitaria y desarrollo local. TECHO articula y vincula pobladores de asentamientos organizados con instituciones de gobierno para exigir sus derechos.

    Desde el gobierno o desde la sociedad civil, brindar el acceso a la vivienda es fundamental para garantizar el derecho humano a una vivienda digna y adecuada de todas las personas.

    Photo 1: La Jornada, María Luisa Severiano

    Photo 2: TECHO

    Submitted by Maria Fernanda Carvallo — Mon, 03/11/2013 – 01:00

    Catalina Gomez, Rio de Janeiro Community Manager

    Segundo a Pesquisa Nacional sobre a População de Rua feita em 2009 pelo Ministério de Desenvolvimento Social e Combate a Fome (MDS), a cidade de Rio de Janeiro tem 4,585 pessoas em “situação de rua”. Infelizmente esta pesquisa só tem levantamento de maiores de 18 anos, porem não existe muita clareza sobre o número total incluindo crianças. Este grupo populacional possui em comum a pobreza extrema, os vínculos familiares fragilizados ou rompidos e a inexistência de moradia convencional regular.

    De acordo com a Prefeitura de Rio, entre os motivos que levam as pessoas às ruas, estão alcoolismo e drogas (26 por cento), conflitos familiares (24 por cento), desemprego (18 por cento) e o trabalho de rua (10 por cento). Preocupa que só 20 por cento da população em situação de rua tenham documentação civil básica e que cerca de 80 por cento tenham algum tipo de dependência química, seja de álcool ou de drogas. O que fazer para atender esta população?

    Importante ressaltar que o MDS institui a Política Nacional para a População em Situação de Rua em Novembro 2009 para dar uma melhor atenção a esta população. Também avançou na pesquisa nacional para conhecer melhor sua situação e necessidades. Baseado na politica e no mapeamento da população em situação de rua, o MDS vem estabelecendo protocolos de atendimento. Especificamente tem fortalecido os Centros de Referência Especializados de Assistência Social (CREAS) nos municípios brasileiros para que aqueles centros prestem um atendimento de qualidade e possam garantir a mobilização da rede de proteção social e dos outros serviços que compõem o sistema de garantia de direitos a essa população.

    Para providenciar um bom atendimento, é preciso que a população de rua seja registrada no Cadastro Único de Programas Sociais. O cadastramento desta população é feito com o novo formulário especial para população em situação de rua aplicado pelo pessoal dos CREAS. O formulário permite conhecer melhor as características deste público, incluindo o lugar de origem e composição familiar de cada indivíduo.

    A Secretaria Municipal de Desenvolvimento Social do Rio tem 14 CREAS em operação e coordena perto de 25 iniciativas para atender a população de rua incluindo albergues temporários e centros que oferecem acompanhamento psicológico, refeições, cursos de treinamento e acolhimento temporário de crianças. Muitas destas inciativas são oferecidas por ONGs. Igualmente, oferece vários serviços para crianças e adultos dependentes de drogas. A Secretaria Estadual de Assistência e Direitos Humanos do Estado de Rio também oferece serviços gratuitos em clinicas populares e um centro especializado de assistência sobre drogas localizada em São Cristóbal na zona norte da cidade.

    O atendimento a população de rua ainda precisa de grandes melhorias, mais é importante destacar que a Prefeitura está se organizando para providenciar melhores atendimentos e também para trabalhar em parceria com o Governo de Estado, além da rede de ONGs que prestam serviços relacionados.

    Photo: Ministerio de Desenvolvimento Social e Combate a Fome

    Catalina Gomez, Rio de Janeiro Community Manager

    According to the National Survey of People Living on the Streets carried out by the Ministry of Social Development (MDS) in 2009, Rio de Janeiro has around 4,585 homeless people. Unfortunately, this survey only counts adults 18 years or older, thereby excluding homeless children. What we know about the homeless population is that although it’s quite heterogeneous, it shares common characteristics including poverty, fragile family bonds, and the absence of permanent shelter.

    According to Rio de Janeiro’s local government, the main reasons people become homeless include alcoholism and drugs (26 percent), family conflict (24 percent), unemployment (18 percent), and work related to the street (10 percent). The local government estimates that only 20 percent of this population has basic citizen documentation, and that 80 percent has suffers from a drug or alcohol addiction.

    The MDS established the National Policy of People Living on the Streets in 2009 in order to better assist this population. The MDS also carried out the national survey to learn about the homeless population’s specific conditions and needs, and has been fine-tuning its service protocols based on its results. Specifically, it has strengthened the Special Social Assistance Reference Centers, known as CREAS, so they can assist the homeless population and refer them to the network of social protection services available in their city.

    In order to benefit from these services, the homeless population must register at the Unified Registry of Social Programs, known as Cadastro Único. This registry is done by social workers from the CREAS, and includes key information like place of origin and family composition.

    Rio’s Municipal Social Development Secretariat currently operates 14 CREAS and coordinates about 25 initiatives to assist the homeless population, including shelters and centers that offer psychological support, food, training, and temporary adoption services for children. Many of these initiatives are offered with the help of various NGOs. There are additional services offered to children and adults with alcohol and drug dependency, especially crack cocaine. Rio de Janeiro’s State Social Assistance Secretariat also offers complementary services to treat addictions, including free clinics and an assistance center specialized in drug addiction treatment located in São Cristóbal, in Rio’s north zone.

    The various services for Rio’s homeless population still need to be expanded and consolidated. But it is worth recognizing the local government’s work and coordination efforts with the State Government and with several local NGOs to provide good quality services to a usually ignored and misunderstood population.

    Photo: Ministerio de Desenvolvimento Social e Combate a Fome

    Submitted by Catalina Gomez — Mon, 03/11/2013 – 01:00

    Catalina Gomez, Rio de Janeiro Community Manager

    According to the National Survey of People Living on the Streets carried out by the Ministry of Social Development (MDS) in 2009, Rio de Janeiro has around 4,585 homeless people. Unfortunately, this survey only counts adults 18 years or older, thereby excluding homeless children. What we know about the homeless population is that although it’s quite heterogeneous, it shares common characteristics including poverty, fragile family bonds, and the absence of permanent shelter.

    According to Rio de Janeiro’s local government, the main reasons people become homeless include alcoholism and drugs (26 percent), family conflict (24 percent), unemployment (18 percent), and work related to the street (10 percent). The local government estimates that only 20 percent of this population has basic citizen documentation, and that 80 percent has suffers from a drug or alcohol addiction.

    The MDS established the National Policy of People Living on the Streets in 2009 in order to better assist this population. The MDS also carried out the national survey to learn about the homeless population’s specific conditions and needs, and has been fine-tuning its service protocols based on its results. Specifically, it has strengthened the Special Social Assistance Reference Centers, known as CREAS, so they can assist the homeless population and refer them to the network of social protection services available in their city.

    In order to benefit from these services, the homeless population must register at the Unified Registry of Social Programs, known as Cadastro Único. This registry is done by social workers from the CREAS, and includes key information like place of origin and family composition.

    Rio’s Municipal Social Development Secretariat currently operates 14 CREAS and coordinates about 25 initiatives to assist the homeless population, including shelters and centers that offer psychological support, food, training, and temporary adoption services for children. Many of these initiatives are offered with the help of various NGOs. There are additional services offered to children and adults with alcohol and drug dependency, especially crack cocaine. Rio de Janeiro’s State Social Assistance Secretariat also offers complementary services to treat addictions, including free clinics and an assistance center specialized in drug addiction treatment located in São Cristóbal, in Rio’s north zone.

    The various services for Rio’s homeless population still need to be expanded and consolidated. But it is worth recognizing the local government’s work and coordination efforts with the State Government and with several local NGOs to provide good quality services to a usually ignored and misunderstood population.

    Photo: Ministerio de Desenvolvimento Social e Combate a Fome

    Submitted by Catalina Gomez — Mon, 03/11/2013 – 01:00

    Howaida Kamel, Cairo Community Manager

    The concept of being homeless in Cairo doesn’t follow the traditional patterns seen in the Western hemisphere because of the prominence of Ashwa’eeyat, or slum villages within the city. Most often these are unfinished buildings in which entire families live squashed together in one or two rooms, with hardly any furniture or access to electricity, gas, or running water. The lack of basic services and an adequate standard of living places significant strains on the family. It is common that the children not only perform many of the household duties, but also are left beaten and neglected as their reward. Their only escape from this lifestyle is to run away and find refuge on the street.

    The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime wrote the first comprehensive report on the issue of street children in Cairo and Alexandria. Their report illustrated that homelessness in Egypt is multi-dimensional, and cannot be attributed to one specific cause. The most common reasons included abuse, both in the home and at work, neglect, peer pressure, sensation seeking, and existence of other family members on the street. The report also indicated indirect causes that lead to children fleeing home, such as low income and low education levels in the family, family breakdowns, being forced to drop out of school, large family size, unplanned rural-urban migration, and the declining role of extended families and lack of other social safety nets.

    The issue of homelessness in Cairo is not because of lack of physical space, but because of the lack of communal space and social understanding. The National Council for Childhood and Motherhood (NCCM) implemented the Strategy for the Protection and Rehabilitation of Street Children in Egypt in hopes of addressing the needs of the children living on the street, as well as building the capacities of their families and the institutions working in this field. This strategy follows a rights-based approach, which has helped change the perception of these children from criminals evading the law to victims of harsh conditions.

    The NCCM has successfully reached approximately 5000 street children and even more practitioners that deal with the medical, psychological, legal, and social manifestations of this phenomenon. The total number of street children is unclear, as the number varies in reports from tens of thousands to 3 million. Estimating these numbers is especially difficult due to the fact that there exists almost no legal record of these children from before they were on the street. In a way, this effectively turns those living on the street into nobodies, compared to their second-class status while living in informal settlements.

    Some initiatives have been successful in giving these children an opportunity to reclaim their lives and their futures. The most prominent so far has been the Hope Village Society, which has been in operation for almost thirty years. The organization has three temporary shelters, four permanent shelters, and four reception centers all around the city, located near informal settlements. These centers not only provide shelter as a physical space for basic needs, but also provide supportive programs and productive workshops that develop the children’s skills and capabilities. Their mission is to reintegrate children with their families and to help the children cope with the difficulties they faced while living at home.

    Organizations like the Hope Village have concluded that the issue of homelessness in Cairo can be addressed by working on the conditions the street children face. However, greater impact could be achieved by addressing the root causes and difficulties in the informal settlements that drive the children to the street in the first place. The informal sector itself is a fallback when the standard channels aren’t available. When adequate safety nets are not available in the informal sector, the streets become the last resort.

    Submitted by Howaida Kamel — Mon, 03/11/2013 – 01:00

    هويدا كامل – مديرة وحدة القاهرة

    ظاهرة التشرد في القاهرة تختلف عن نفس الظاهرة في بلاد الغرب بسبب إنتشار العشوائيات بمصر. في أغلب الحالات تتكون هذه العشوائيات من مباني غير مكتملة, تعيش فيها عائلات بأكملها في مجرد حجرة أو حجرتين دون فرش، لا تصل لهم الكهرباء أو المياه الجارية, و ليس هناك طريقة مباشرة للحصول على الغاز الطبيعي. مستوى المعيشة غير ملائم, و مشكلة عدم وجود الخدمات الأساسية في هذه المناطق تضع ضغوطا كبيرة على الأسرة. تقوم الأطفال بتنفيذ العديد من الواجبات المنزلية، و لا يحصلون على أي نوع من المكافأة, بل يتعرضون للضرب والإهمال. لذلك، فمن الشائع أن تهرب الاطفال من المنزل لكي تبحث عن اللجوء في شوارع القاهرة.

    كتب مكتب الأمم المتحدة لمكافحة المخدرات والجرائم(United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime) أول تقرير شامل حول قضية أطفال الشوارع في القاهرة والإسكندرية. يوضح تقريرهم أن مشكلة التشرد في مصر لا تنجم عن سبب واحد محدد، بل تنتج من عديد القضايا المختلفة مثل عدم الاهتمام بالأطفال على صغر و معاملتهم بإساءة ، و تواجد أفراد أخرى من عائلاتهم في الشوارع . وأشار التقرير أيضا إلى أسباب غير مباشرة تجعل الطفل يفر من بيته مثل إنخفاض مستوى الدخل والتعليم في الأسرة ، إزدياد أعداد أفراد العائلة, وعدم وجود أي نوع من الفرص الإجتماعية في العشوائيات.

    مسألة التشرد في القاهرة لا تنتج من نقص في المساحات لبناء المنازل، لكنها تنجم عن قلة المناطق العمومية الحضرية في المدينة وعجز في الفهم الاجتماعي. المجلس القومي للطفولة والامومة (National Council for Childhood and Motherhood| NCCM) طبق خطة إستيراتيجية لحماية وإعادة تأهيل أطفال الشوارع في مصر (Strategy for the Protection and Rehabilitation of Street Children in Egypt) على أمل التصدي لاحتياجات هؤلاء الأطفال, فضلا عن رعاية أسرهم ومساعدة المؤسسات العاملة في هذا المجال. وقد ساعدت هذه الخطة على تغيير سمعة أطفال الشوارع. كثير من الناس اصبحوا ينظرون إلى هؤلاء الصبيان والبنات كضحايا الظروف القاسية، بعد أن كانوا يروهم كمجرمين خاملين.

    نجحت منظمة (NCCM) في مساعدة نحو ٥٠٠٠ طفل في شوارع مصر, وعالجت أيضاً آلاف الحالات التي تدور حول مشاكل طبية، نفسية, قانونية، واجتماعية لظاهرة التشرد. إجمالي عدد أطفال الشوارع غير واضح حيث تختلف الأرقام من تقرير إلى آخر, في حين يقول البعض أن هناك عشرات الآلاف منهم، والبعض الآخر يشير على ان الرقم في الواقع يقرب ثلاث مليون نسمة. تقدير هذه الأرقام مهمة صعبة بسبب عدم حصول هؤلاء الولاد والبنات على بطاقات شخصية قبل أن يهربوا إلى الشوارع, و لذلك، فهم غير قادرين على إثبات شخصيتهم بطريقة قانونية، مما يعيقهم من الإنضمام إلى القطاع الرسمي في المجتمع، و في النهاية يبقى حالهم الإجتماعي مماثل لوضعهم السابق في العشوائيات.

    نجحت بعض المبادرات في إعطاء هؤلاء الأطفال فرصة لاستعادة الأمل وبناء مستقبلهم, و من أبرز المنظمات التي تعمل في هذا المجال منذ حوالي ثلاثين عاما هي جمعية قرية الأمل(Hope Village Society). تقع المنظمة بالقرب من المستوطنات غير الرسمية، وتشمل ثلاثة ملاجئ مؤقتة و أربعة ملاجئ دائمة لتلبية إحتياجات أطفال الشوارع الأساسية. كما تشمل أربع مراكز استقبال في جميع أنحاء المدينة لتوفير برامج وحلقات دراسية لتطوير مهارات الأطفال. هدفهم الرئيسي هو إعادة إدماج الأطفال مع أسرهم و مساعدتهم على تجاوز الصعوبات التي واجهوها داخل منازلهم .

    أوضحت (Hope VIllage Society) و منظمات أخرى أن مسألة التشرد في القاهرة يمكن معالجتها من خلال تحسين الأوضاع المعيشية للاطفال في الشوارع. مع ذلك، فإن مواجهة المشاكل العائلية والاجتماعية في العشوائيات, التي تدفع هؤلاء البنات والصبيان إلى الشوارع هو الحل أكثر تأثيرا. القطاع غير الرسمي ذات نفسه يعمل كملجأ للفقراء الذين لا يستطيعون أن يعيشوا في المناطق الحضرية بالقاهرة، وحينما تغيب الفرص الإجتماعية من هذه العشوائيات، تصبح الشوارع الملاذ الأخير لهؤلاء الضحايا.

    Submitted by Howaida Kamel — Mon, 03/11/2013 – 01:00

    Raiya Kishwar Ashraf, Dhaka Contributor

    ঢাকা শহরের রাস্তায় প্রতিদিন শত শত গৃহহীন মানুষ রাত কাটায়। বাংলাদেশ সরকারের নির্দেশ মতে ফুটপথে কোন বাসস্থান তৈরি করা নিষিদ্ধ, তাই তারা সারাদিন পথে পথে ভ্রাম্যমাণ থাকে। এসকল নিরাস্রিত মানুষ জীবিকার সন্ধানে জীবন বাজি রেখে বিভিন্ন ঝুঁকিপূর্ণ কাজ করে থাকে, যেমনঃ রিকশা চালান, দিনমজুর, গার্মেন্টস কর্মী, গৃহকর্মী ইত্যাদি। এসকল ঝুঁকিপূর্ণ কর্মক্ষেত্রে তারা প্রায়শই আহত হয়ে থাকে, কিন্তু তাদের চিকিৎসার তেমন কোন সুবাবস্থা নেই। এমনকি তাদের নিম্ন জিবিকায় তারা ন্যূনতম প্রাথমিক চিকিৎসাটুকুও পেতে পারে না। কর্মক্ষেত্রে আহত হওয়া ছাড়াও অনেক সময় তারা অসুস্থ থাকে যা তারা সামর্থ্যের অভাবে চিকিৎসা করাতে পারে না। তাই এসকল গরীব ঝুঁকিপূর্ণ পেশার মানুষদের জন্য বিভিন্ন এন.জি.ও চিকিৎসা এবং জীবনবীমার বাবস্থা করছে। বাংলাদেশে বর্তমানে “গণস্বাস্থ্য কেন্দ্র” এবং “জাগো” নামের দুইটি এন.জি.ও বিভিন্ন ভাবে এসকল গৃহহীন মানুষদের সাহায্য করছে। গণস্বাস্থ্য কেন্দ্রের কর্মীরা কয়েকটি ভ্রাম্যমাণ চিকিৎসালয় তৈরি করে এসকল গৃহহীন মানুষদের চিকিৎসা সেবার বাবস্থা করেছে। এই ভ্রাম্যমাণ চিকিৎসালয়ের ডাক্তারদের অনেকেই এই এন.জি.ওদের কাছ থেকে অনুপ্রানিত হয়ে তাদের নিজেদের ক্লিনিকে গৃহহীনদের জন্য বিনামূল্যে চিকিৎসাসেবা প্রদান করছে।

    On the streets of Dhaka you’ll find many like Sriti, crouched by her precious shanty, packing up the single blanket she and her mother use to make a tent at night. They cannot leave this behind as they set out to beg for the day because of the government’s law against informal settlements on sidewalks. There are 3.5 million slum-dwellers in Dhaka, and thousands more who are undocumented and homeless, lacking the resources even to live in slums. This extreme poverty leaves them without assets or services to call their own. While the government tries to confine slum dwellers within certain areas of the city, these travelling homeless, living hand to mouth, find themselves unwanted, without support, and in crisis. The most acute crisis is that of access to basic healthcare. Their lives on the streets and in makeshift shelters are not located near hospitals, which are usually prohibitively expensive. Engaged in professions as rickshaw pullers, day labors, garment workers, domestic workers and office clerks – these people have the highest chances of injury and the lowest chances of being treated properly, if at all.

    Fortunately, free medical services brought to them by various NGOs and government bodies give them a chance to benefit from this luxury. Programs like the Urban Health Program, run by Gonoshasthaya Kendra (GK), The People’s Health Center, a non-governmental community healthcare center, directly serve the needs of the homeless living at high risk. Services are charged according to people’s incomes and clinics are located all over the city, with sub-centers in Dhaka’s slums. The hospital has a wide network of referral hospitals, specialized clinics, and preventive healthcare programs. When the government evicted slums where GK operated because of gang violence and drug trades, they launched mobile clinics that continued to provide primary healthcare for slum residents. GK also introduced health insurance for their patients – a concept novel to Dhaka’s poor.

    Another NGO, the Jaago Foundation runs health campaigns for the students of their volunteer-run, free school. Students come from Mohammedpur, which has the largest slum population in Dhaka. Dental care is one of the most expensive medical services in Bangladesh, normally reserved for the wealthy. Jaago’s A Healthy Child, A Healthy Smile program brought in two dentists, who conducted dental check-ups for all 473 students. On International Women’s Day, free health checks and medicine were offered to the entire slum. With the collaboration of student volunteers, corporate banks and private doctors, Jaago has been successful in ensuring that the small population they reach are encouraged to follow a strict dental hygiene regime.

    These organizations have started a movement where more well-off citizens can contribute beyond the scope of the projects themselves. The doctor leading the A Healthy Child, A Healthy Smile has offered to provide free dental check up at her own clinic for the children she served through Jaago’s program. In a way, these programs have created a snowball effect, involving the private sector in making private medical care available to the homeless. Jaago’s annual fundraiser on Children’s Day involves student volunteers selling fruit and flowers to raise money and awareness about street children. As these projects expand, hopefully more private practitioners will be encouraged to open their doors to this altruistic movement.

    Submitted by Editor — Mon, 03/11/2013 – 01:00

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    As our learnings from 2013 illustrate, much progress has been made over the past year with respect to inclusive urban planning and poverty alleviation. But there is still much more to do in 2014. Some cities in the URB.im network will begin work on large-scale “greening” initiatives, such as Cali‘s ambitious Green Corridor project or Jakarta‘s plans to expand green areas by 30 percent. Other cities are experiencing a surge in citizen participation: online activism is transforming urban spaces in São Paulo, and popular protest in India has led to promising reforms that are expected to reduce political corruption. What will it take for initiatives such as these to succeed and grow, and what challenges will confront them? Read on to learn more, and then add your thoughts to the discussion below.

    Eliana Barbosa, Coordenadora da Rede em São Paulo

    Sem dúvida há muito que esperar para São Paulo em 2014. A abertura da copa, as mudanças na mobilidade, a aprovação do plano diretor, o dilema do mercado imobiliário — será uma bolha? — todas as questões acima poderiam ser tópicos para discutir no ano que vem.

    Entretanto, o fato extraordinário em 2013 que pode mudar o modo como vivemos a cidade é o seguinte: As pessoas estão provocando mudança. Muito foi dito sobre as manifestações de junho e seu impacto no que diz respeito a conscientização política, cidadania, participação e o surgimento de uma nova geração de ativistas. Nota-se cada vez mais o surgimento de grupos independentes transformando o espaço da cidade com suas próprias mãos e meios.

    De acordo com a pesquisa “Ativismo Online: 2013 o ano do Brasil,” esse foi o ano que mostrou aumento histórico dessa forma de ativismo no país. Campanhas de sucesso foram capazes de mudar micro-realidades, chamando atenção para causas locais. Ao contrário das caras campanhas mundiais das grandes organizações — como a Greenpeace e o WWF — a tendência atual se refere à escala do cotidiano. Habitantes descobriram nas petições online um canal para participação popular.

    Interessante o fato de que as causas relacionadas ao planejamento urbano ganharam mais impacto. Foram capazes de alterar decisões institucionais através de pedidos específicos, pressionando as autoridades locais. Um exemplo interessante é a petição organizada pelo coletivo Ocupe & Abrace, que conseguiu evitar a derrubada de 30 árvores para a implementação de corredores de ônibus na zona oeste.

    O que nos leva a outro tópico digno de nota para o próximo ano: os Coletivos. É impressionante a quantidade de coletivos relacionados a mobilidade, espaços públicos e cultura que se formaram nos últimos anos. Coletivos são grupos de pessoas que, através de uma causa ou interesse em comum, juntam-se agindo para mudar a letargia da participação pública pelos meios oficiais. A Cidadania e o Direito à Cidade revigoram-se com essas nova forma de olhar a cidade. De muitos exemplos interessantes, destaco três:

    Baixo Centro, com seu delicioso slogan “As ruas são para dançar,” começou como um grupo de produtores culturais ao redor do Minhocao, promovendo, através de financiamento coletivo, eventos e intervenções urbanas nos espaços públicos na região.

    O movimento Boa Praça é um grupo que se reúne com o objetivo de revitalizar as praças da zona oeste da cidade. Apenas em 2013 eles trabalharam em dez praças, através de eventos abertos, nos quais pessoas podiam plantar árvores, construir mobiliário urbano e compartilhar um picnic numa praça local, o que — na “cidade dos muros” — já é uma grande conquista.

    Recentemente, um grupo decidiu transformar um estacionamento em Parque Público. Terreno marcado como parque desde o Plano Regional de 2004, a área nunca foi desapropriada. Em novembro o lote foi comprado pela maior incorporadora da cidade, para o desenvolvimento de um empreendimento de uso misto. Após apelar para a prefeitura, sem sucesso, o Grupo Parque Augusta começou trabalhar na área, criando uma programação diária de atividades, que culminou num festival para 4000 pessoas. O Parque Augusta tornou-se, pelas mãos dos próprios habitantes, uma realidade.

    Como outras organizações, esses coletivos são abertos, não-institucionalizados e horizontais, Organizados virtualmente, promovem atividades culturais financiadas coletivamente, chamando atenção para os debates urbanos, promovendo mudanças reais em lugares específicos da cidade. Tudo feito apesar da vontade política, das verbas públicas e da burocracia que envolve os canais formais de participação.

    Eliana Barbosa, São Paulo Community Manager

    No doubt there is a lot to look forward to in 2014 with respect to the city of São Paulo. The World Cup, changes in the transportation system, the new Master Plan, the ongoing real estate dilemma (is it a bubble, is it not?) are all topics to be discussed in the coming year.

    Yet something remarkable occurred in 2013 that will change the way we experience the city: people are taking action. A lot has been said about the protests in June and their impact on political awareness, citizenship, participation, and the rise of a new generation of activists. Remarkably, we can see more and more grassroots organizations acting to transform spaces of the city with their own hands and their own funds.

    Online activism

    According to “Online activism: 2013 the year of Brazil,” Brazil showed the biggest increase in online activism in 2013. Campaigns successfully changed micro-realities, bringing awareness for local causes. Residents discovered online petitions as a channel to participation on a neighborhood scale.

    Interestingly, urban planning causes gained greater impact, changing institutional decisions with focused requests, pressuring the local authorities. An interesting example is the petition created by the group Ocupe & Abrace, which was able to prevent 30 trees from being chopped down in order to create a bus corridor.

    Coletivos

    An impressive number of grassroots organizations working in transportation, public space, and urban culture have emerged in the last couple of years. Called “coletivos”, they are groups of people united by a common cause, working to change the lethargy in which public participation officially happens. With these lenses, citizenship and the Right to the City take on fresh and exciting new meanings. The following are three interesting examples from São Paulo:

    Baixo Centro, with the wonderful slogan “Cities are made for dancing,” started as a cultural producer’s group acting in Minhocao, and promotes crowdfunded culture festivals, urban interventions, and traditional parties in public spaces.

    Movimento Boa Praça is a group of neighbors aiming to revitalize the public squares of the western zone of the city. In 2013 alone they refurbished ten squares during events in which people could plant trees, construct urban furniture, and share a picnic in a given public space — which in São Paulo is quite an accomplishment.

    Recently, a group decided to create a public park — Parque Augusta — out of an empty lot. Marked as a park in the Regional Plan of 2004, the area was never expropriated. Last November, the city’s largest real estate company bought the area to develop a mixed-use complex. After unsuccessfully appealing to the mayor, the Parque Augusta group began to “officially” promote daily activities in the “park.” Parque Augusta was suddenly, by the hands of its inhabitants, a reality.

    These initiatives are open, non-institutional, and run by horizontally-organized and “online-based” groups that promote and finance cultural activities, bringing awareness of public spaces and urban debates, and promoting real change in places of the city. This is all done without the local authorities’ will or funds, and without traditional, formal channels of participation.

    Jorge Bela, Gestor Comunitario de Bogotá

    Hay muchas cosas positivas que esperar para el año 2014 en Colombia. Se prevé que el crecimiento económico siga siendo vigoroso, al tiempo que las conversaciones de paz pueden acabar con un conflicto armado que ha durado ya varias décadas. Estas circunstancias presentan un escenario sin precedente para aliviar los problemas de pobreza y desigualdad que sufre el país. Bogotá y Cali, las dos ciudades que seguimos en este blog, tienen iniciativas en marcha que pueden ofrecer soluciones concretas a estos dos problemas. Sin embargo, la incertidumbre es también elevada, tanto a nivel nacional como local. Por un lado, los resultados de las conversaciones son inciertos. Por otro, las elecciones presidenciales que se celebrarán en su primera vuelta en mayo también resultarán en una ralentización de la administración central. Aunque se espera que Juan Manuel Santos ganes la reelección, cualquier cosa puede suceder en la política colombiana, y un cambio en la presidencia puede decelerar aún más el ritmo de las reformas.

    En Bogotá hay varias iniciativas en marcha en el sector del transporte público. Los planos para el metro están entrando en la última fase de los estudios geológicos, que estarán terminados a lo largo de 2014, lo que permitiría que en 2015 se adjudicara la construcción de la mega obra. En la superficie se está avanzando en la ampliación del sistema de Transmilenio por una avenida aún por definir. 200 autobuses híbridos empezarán a circular por la Avenida 7ª, sustituyendo a las contaminantes busetas privadas. Si a esto sumamos la reciente inauguración del Transmilenio a Soacha, 2014 puede ver una mejora significativa en los problemas crónicos de transporte público en la capital colombiana, aunque aún serán necesarios ingentes esfuerzos en esta área para llegar a tener el sistema que necesita una ciudad tan grande y extendida.

    Por otro lado, el plan para revitalizar el hermosos pero descuidado Centro Histórico continúa avanzando. La administración está trabajando en los protocolos necesarios para llevar a buen puerto estos planes. Para lograrlos se está contando con la ayuda de expertos internacionales de la región, así como de agencias multilaterales. Se espera que su definición termine a lo largo del año, lo que permitiría que las obras de mejora se completaran a lo largo del 2014.

    En diciembre, sin embargo, la oficina del Procurador General de la República ordenó la destitución del Alcalde de Bogotá, Gustavo Petro, por supuestas deficiencias en la transferencia del servicio de basuras de concesionarios privados a la Ciudad. La decisión puede ser recurrida y el Sr. Petro ha asegurado que la combatirá tanto con acciones legales como con movilizaciones populares. El diferendo legal y político en el que está inmersa Bogotá añade un elevado grado de incertidumbre al futuro de las iniciativas actualmente en marcha.

    En Cali el alcalde Rodrigo Guerrero goza de considerable apoyo político y popular, lo que trae mayores perspectivas a su plan urbano más ambicioso: el Corredor Verde. Sin embargo, Guerrero está sujeto a la misma limitación de mandatos que el resto de los alcaldes colombianos, y que prohíben la reelección consecutiva. Cuatro años es un plazo demasiado corto para acometer un proyecto de esta envergadura, por lo que se hace imprescindible generar el mayor apoyo posible a la iniciativa como mecanismo para garantizar su continuidad a largo plazo. Con este fin a lo largo del 2014 se dará inicio a proyectos piloto relacionados con el Corredor a los que daremos cumplido seguimiento en este blog.

    Finalmente, el 7 Foro Urbano Mundial tendrá lugar en Medellín de 5 al 11 de abril de 2014. Se espera que el Foro atraiga más de 10.000 participantes, incluyendo jefes de estado, alcaldes, gobernadores, académicos, profesionales y representantes del sector público. El Foro ya está atrayendo la atención de los medios de comunicación colombianos. El lema del Foro, Equidad Urbana en el Desarrollo — Ciudades para la Vida, sin duda tendrá una resonancia especial en Colombia. El Foro, y su resonancia internacional, servirán como incentivo y como inspiración para las ciudades de Colombia.

    Jorge Bela, Bogotá Community Manager

    There is much to look forward in 2014 in Colombia. Economic growth is expected to remain strong, and the decades-old armed conflict could be close to its end if the peace conversations now underway are ultimately successful. These circumstances bring an unprecedented opportunity for the country to tackle poverty and rampant inequality. Bogotá and Cali, the two Colombian cities covered on this platform, are working on major initiatives that could have a significant impact on these fronts. However, uncertainty is also quite high, both at the national and local levels. For one, the results of the peace conversations are far from certain. Furthermore, Presidential elections, to be held in mid-year, imply a slowdown of central government activity for most of the year. Although Juan Manuel Santos is expected to win re-election handily, anything can happen in Colombian politics, and a change at the top would also bring the processes of reform to a temporary halt.

    In Bogotá, several major initiatives related to mass transportation are underway. Plans for the subway system are reaching their final stages as geological studies are being undertaken on the proposed path of its first line. The engineering studies should be finished in the course of 2014, which would enable the construction of the system to be formally awarded in 2015. Above ground, the Transmilenio surface is to continue its expansion through a still undefined major avenue, while 200 hybrid buses are scheduled to run on 7th Avenue, replacing aging and highly polluting private mini-buses. Together with last week’s inauguration of the Soacha line, these Transmilenio initiatives would bring significant relief to the perennial transportation woes that plague the capital, although much work remains to be done to bring Bogota’s public transportation system up to the level needed for a city of its size.

    The plan to revitalize the beautiful but largely dilapidated historic center also continues to advance. City Hall is in the process of defining the protocols that would allow these plans to come into effect. In order to do so, Bogotá is seeking technical advice from regional experts, as well as from multilateral organizations. The protocols are expected to be finalized well before the end of 2014, allowing for actual work to start in 2015.

    In December, however, the Solicitor General’s office ordered the Major of Bogota, Gustavo Petro, to be ousted from the post over alleged mishandling of the garbage service reforms. The decision can be appealed, and Mr. Petro has vowed to fight it, both legally and by mobilizing people in the street. The legal and political battles surrounding Bogotá now leave serious clouds of uncertainty over the future of the projects currently underway.

    In Cali, Mayor Rodrigo Guerrero has wide political and popular support, which brings great hope for the city’s most ambitious urban renewal project: the Corredor Verde. Still, Mayor Guerrero is held to the same strict term limits that apply to all mayors in Colombia: four years with no consecutive reelection. Since a project as complex as the Corredor Verde cannot be undertaken in such a short time, it is essential to garner as much support as possible so that future administrations will continue to pursue the project. In order to do so, Cali is planning to launch pilot projects during 2014, to be completed through 2015. We will follow these pilot projects closely and report on them here on URB.im.

    And, of course, the 7th World Urban Forum will be held in Medellin on April 5-11. The Forum, which is expected to attract 10,000 participants including heads of state, governors, mayors, academics, professionals, and members of the private sector, is already receiving significant media coverage. This year’s theme is, significantly, Urban Equity in Development — Cities for Life, which is likely to resonate strongly in Colombia. The Forum will without a doubt serve as an incentive and an inspiration for all Colombian cities.

    Priyanka Jain, Delhi Community Manager

    For those of us living in Delhi today, let’s start our look at 2014 by admitting that we’re lucky. We don’t live in the city we lived in two years ago, where our political choices were so limited and our collective conscience was in a state of sleepy inertia. If you followed the debates and movements of the year 2013, you know there is still hope for our city. But all of this aside, we still have a problem: water scarcity through corruption, slum rehabilitation, and sexual assaults affect the citizens of Delhi across class, caste, and gender boundaries. Before Delhi progresses up the ladder of livability, the year 2014 will require answers to four big questions.

    The Nirbhaya Fund

    First, did the horror of a girl who was brutally gang-raped and injured, with a rod shoved inside her genitals, fast-track the reforms for women’s safety? The answer today is a resounding “No.” 94 percent of 2,178 people surveyed in the Times of India poll said that our cities aren’t any safer for women a year after the horrific Nirbhaya gang-rape. On the one hand, we saw the case as a catalyst. It led to the Nirbhaya Act, which increased the quantum of punishment for crimes against women, and to the “One Billion Rising” campaign, which galvanized women from across the world. But the perception of insecurity hasn’t changed. In the 2013-14 Union Budget, GOI announced the Nirbhaya Fund, 10 billion rupees to enhance women’s safety in public spaces. Year 2014 will show the effectiveness of Nirbhaya Fund in changing the perception of safety for women in Delhi.

    Debut of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) and None of the Above (NOTA) vote option

    Second, will the introduction of the None of the Above (NOTA) vote option, and 2011 and 2012 anti-corruption protests, followed by the success of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) in 2013, increase accountability in governance and help cut corruption? A total of 44,000 voters (0.63 percent) exercised the NOTA option in Delhi. The number, when compared to other states — Chhattisgarh (4.6 percent), Rajasthan (1.92 percent), and Madhya Pradesh (1.9 percent) — is quite low. But it has made the politicians more accountable. Another sign of progress is the unprecedented rise of AAP, with 28 seats in the Legislative Assembly elections. It’s most likely that AAP will form the government with the support of congress. But, more importantly, it has shaken up the political order in Delhi and spurred the parties to pass the Lokpal Bill. The Lokpal Bill, armed with the Right to Information Act, will provide the necessary institutions for people to fight corruption effectively.

    Setback with Section 377 IPC

    On the other end of the spectrum is the reversal in the fundamental rights of Delhi’s citizens with the recent Supreme Court verdict upholding Section 377 IPC, a law criminalizing homosexuality — a ruling that some activists called a “black day” for the LGBT community. It quashed a 2009 Delhi High Court verdict that had decriminalized homosexuality. Free for the last four years, will the LGBT community of India again face sexual assault, harassment, blackmail, and extortion by the police, neighbors, and even family members?

    Water scarcity and Delhi’s tanker mafia

    Water scarcity is Delhi’s biggest challenge, despite the fact that no other capital in the world has the kind of water availability Delhi has. According to Ashish Kundra, additional chief executive officer at Delhi Jal Board (DJB), Delhi has 670 million gallons per day (MGD) of water supply. The supply would go up to 810 MGD after completion of the Sonia Vihar project. And if divided by the 150 million people who reside in Delhi, it comes to 220 liters per capita per day (almost 11 buckets). DJB says that it loses 50 percent of its water. The speculation is that private suppliers or “water tanker mafia” tap DJB booster stations as well as bore wells in farmhouses located on the outskirts of Delhi, and distribute the water at exorbitant prices. If the above is untrue, where is the remaining 335 MGD of water supply going?

    Photo credit: sandeep bisht

    Widya Anggraini, Jakarta Community Manager

    Bagi kebanyakan orang Jakarta identik dengan kota macet, kota polusi, kota mall atau kota banjir. Sedikit atau bahkan hampir tidak ada yang menyebut Jakarta sebagai kota Hijau. Sebutan ini bukan tanpa alasan mengingat kondisi Jakarta saat ini yang kian macet, polusi udara yang parah, pembangunan yang banyak menyalahi penggunaan lahan dan tingkat urbanisasi yang tinggi dan munculnya kam. Kondisi ini membuat masyarakat merindukan kehadiran ruang terbuka hijau atau taman-taman di pusat kota yang berfungsi sebagai tempat rekreasi, olahraga, serta interaksi sosial. Hal-hal inilah yang menjadi harapan masyarakat di tahun 2014 yang ingin melihat lebih sedikit pembangunan mall dan lebih banyak taman kota. Secara kebijakan, pemerintah telah merespon dengan mengeluarkan undang-undang Penataan Ruang yang secara tegas mengamanatkan bahwa 30% dari wilyah kota berwujud Ruang Terbuka Hijau (RTH). Undang-undang ini kemudian diterjemahkan kedalam sebuah program bernama Program Pengembangan Kota Hijau (P2KH).

    P2KH merupakan kolaborasi antara pemerintah pusat, pemerintah kota, masyarakat dan dunia usaha dalam menciptakan kota hijau. Program ini sendiri merupakan tindak lanjut dari 10 Prakarsa Bali dari Forum Sustainable Urban Development (SUD). Kota yang berkomitmen mewujudkan kota hijau dalam kerangka program ini diharuskan menyusun rencana aksi kota hijau (RAKH) yang mulai dijalankan tahun 2012. Sebagai pembagian peran maka dalam hal ini pemerintah pusat wajib memberikan bantuan dan bimbingan teknis, pelatihan dan dukungan program. Untuk pelaksanaan program seperti implementasi fisik, sosialisasi, penjaringan aspirasi masyarakat dan replikasi program menjadi tanggung jawab pemerintah kota bersama dengan masyarakat dan dunia usaha terutama untuk implementasi dan advokasi kegiatan.

    Dalam rencana kerja yang telah disusun terdapat dua strategi yang kini pemerintah Jakarta terapkan, yaitu penerusan kondisi sesuai peran Jakarta saat ini dan transformasi fisik serta perubahan perilaku masyarakat yang lebih sadar lingkungan. Dalam hal transformasi fisik dan perlilaku masyarakat telah disiapkan 5 strategi mendasar yaitu:

    • Meningkatkan kemampuan tenaga perencana ekonomi lingkungan. Untuk ini sudah dilakukan kerjasama dengan UNDP dan World Bank dalam hal penyediaan training dan workshop terkait isu-isu perubahan iklim.
    • Menerapkan program pencegahan meliputi bagaimana menumbuhkan kesadaran masyarakat tentang efek perubahan cuaca. Kegiatan seperti car free day sudah dimulai dan dilakukan tiap hari minggu. Kemudian menggalakkan kegitan Bike to Work untuk mengurangi polusi. Tahun-tahun mendatang Jakarta berharap ada sekitar 30% dari total pekerja akan menggunakan sepeda.
    • Mendorong masyarakat untuk lebih aktif dalam program-program perubahan lingkungan (climate change). Dalam hak ini pemerintah akan mendorong para perencana di Dinas Tata kota Jakarta untuk bekerjasama dengan komunitas dalam menciptakan masyarakat yang lebih ramah lingkungan seperti mendorong komunitas membuat lebih banyak taman.
    • Menambah jumlah ruang hijau publik. Untuk mengupayakan penambahan ruang terbuka hijau, sejak tahun 2011 telah dibuka lebih banyak ruang hijau dan kini telah mencapai 6% dari target 30%.
    • Menambah jumlah kendaraan ramah lingkungan. Pemerintah juga akan terus mengupayakan penambahan fasilitas transportasi ramah lingkungan contohnya MRT yang sedang dalam proses pengerjaan dan transformasi model bis Trans Jakarta yang menggunakan bahan bakar ramah lingkungan dan terintegrasi dalam system transportasi perkotaan.

    Dengan demikian di tahun 2014 akan mulai terlihat rintisan berbagai kegiatan yang akan membawa Jakarta menuju kota Hijau (Green City) baik melalui pembukaan lebih banyak ruang hijau, inovasi transportasi ramah lingkungan dan masyarakat yang kiat sadar untuk berperan serta dalam menciptakan lingkungan yang bersih dan hijau.

    Foto: Yudho

    Widya Anggraini, Jakarta Community Manager

    For most people, Jakarta is associated with traffic, pollution, shopping centers, or floods. Rarely do people identify Jakarta as a green city. This is unsurprising considering the city’s increasing traffic jams and air pollution, the rapid land development in violation of city plans, and growing slums. These circumstances have led Jakartarians to long for the presence of green open space or public parks that could function as locations for recreational, exercise, and social activities. This is the hope of Jakarta’s residents for 2014: less shopping malls, more public parks. In terms of city ordinance, the government has responded to the people by passing the Spatial Planning Bill, which strictly states that 30 percent of the city must consist of green open space. This bill then was translated into a project called the Green City Expansion Project (P2KH).

    P2KH is a collaborative project between the central government, the city government, local residents, and the business community. The program is a continuation of the Ten Bali Initiatives from the Sustainable Urban Development Forum. Cities that are committed to achieving the green city status within the framework of the program are required to draw up a Green City Action Plan, which Jakarta started in 2012. As a part of the arrangement, the central government provides the cities with technical supervision, training, and program support. The project execution – physical implementation, dissemination, communal feedback, and program replication – is the responsibility of the city government, along with the residents and the business community, especially regarding implementation and advocacy.

    The work plan consists of two strategies being implemented by the government of Jakarta: Jakarta’s physical transformation, and raising community awareness about the environment. In terms of physical and communal behavior transformation, five fundamental strategies have been prepared:

    • Increasing the capacity of environmental and economic policymakers. This strategy has been conducted in cooperation with the UNDP and the World Bank in terms of providing workshops and trainings about climate change issues.
    • Implementing preventive programs, including ways to raise public awareness about the effects of climate change. Events like car-free days have been started and now happen weekly. Biking to work initiatives are promoted to reduce congestion and pollution. In coming years, 30 percent of Jakarta’s workers are expected to commute by bike
    • Encouraging the local community to be more active in climate change awareness events. To accomplish this, the government is encouraging policymakers at the Jakarta Urban Planning Agency to collaborate with the community to create a more environmentally-friendly society, for example through the creation of parks.
    • Increasing the number of public green spaces. In adherence to the green open space plan, there has been an expansion of green areas since 2011, which has now reached six percent of the city (the target being 30 percent).
    • Increasing the number of environmentally friendly vehicles. The government will continue increasing the amount of environmentally-friendly public transport options. Examples include the MRT project and the TransJakarta bus model, which runs eco-friendly fuels.

    2014 will therefore witness the expansion of projects that will lead Jakarta towards its goal of being a green city, including through the expansion of green areas, innovations in eco-friendly transportation, and an increasingly aware community to participate in promoting a green society.

    Photo: Yudho

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    How can cities integrate informal economic activity with urban planning to improve living standards while promoting growth? How can we blend private sector initiatives with public services and infrastructure to engender smart, sustainable approaches that tap the productive power of poor and marginalized communities? And how can such efforts be woven into the fabric of institutions, policymaking, and governance? In cities around the world, social sector innovators are looking to public-private partnership projects to provide an answer. Read on to learn about proposals and initiatives in Mumbai, Jakarta, Nairobi, Rio de Janeiro, Mexico City, and Dhaka, and then join the conversation below. (This conversation is hosted in partnership with OECD on the occasion of the OECD Workshop on Inclusive Growth. Follow #inclusivegrowth on Twitter.)

    Carlin Carr, Mumbai Community Manager

    As the city sleeps, a small army of “green soldiers” hits Mumbai’s streets. Wading through mounds of garbage outside apartment complexes, corporate parks, and retail outlets, the city’s rag pickers — often among the poorest residents — separate out recyclable materials that would otherwise unnecessarily add to the over-burdened city landfills. The rag pickers recycle waste to sell to scrap dealers, carrying out one of the simple and doable practices in dealing with the city’s alarming 9,200 metric tonnes of waste generated every day.

    Yet Mumbai’s municipal corporation has made little effort to incorporate the rag pickers into the city’s system. “There is a great need for official support to this unappreciated activity that saves at least 10-15 percent in transportation costs daily to the city, adding up to millions of rupees a year,” says Almitra H. Patel, Member, Supreme Court Committee for solid waste management.

    Fifteen percent of Mumbai’s garbage never gets collected, and only about 10-15 percent of the waste collected gets separated at source. This standard international practice of separating wet and dry waste before it heads to the dumping grounds would not only help rag pickers — who lose money on recyclable waste that has been dirtied and mixed — but would also help the city. Separating at source “could have helped the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) handle the city’s refuse more efficiently — drastically reducing the amount that needs to be dumped at landfills, and promoting micro-management of waste at societies, schools and hospitals,” says the first in a series of articles the Hindustan Times has recently dedicated to investigating waste management in the city.

    Patel points out that other cities in India have managed to successfully incorporate rag pickers into the municipal system. In Ahmedabad, SEWA’s rag picker cooperative, which celebrated 25 years in 2011, has organized weekly doorstep collections of dry waste and even has a hotline to ensure punctual collection. The collectors wear uniforms and members are trained to use office equipment as well. “The no-fee initiative provides waste-pickers with higher earnings due the higher-value clean and unmixed waste,” says Patel. In Pune, a strong rag pickers union eventually partnered with the city to formalize their work. The workers go door-to-door collecting both dry and wet waste for a fee. The waste collectors have also been issued uniforms and safety wear, which, says Patel, is part of incorporating rag pickers into the city system.

    She also suggests these other steps:

    • Start a dialogue to learn the needs of this sector.
    • Issue ID badges to street waste pickers (through NGOs or police, to prevent harassment).
    • Provide rag pickers with sorting and storage space in a low area, such as below a flyover.
    • Organize a doorstep pick-up service for post-sorting rejects to be taken away from slum houses or waste-buyer’s yards, so that these do not end up clogging the storm-drains.

    Separating at source is a waste management practice that the entire city should be taking part in. On a municipal level, Mumbai could follow in Bangalore’s footsteps: the city has recently made the practice official policy. Citizens, too, would be motivated by daily collections of separated materials by professional-looking municipal waste collectors. Models are out there for Mumbai to follow; the city corporation needs to be proactive about drafting and implementing a comprehensive waste management plan that recognizes the activities already happening on the ground and working with their existing “green soldiers” to make the city greener and cleaner.

    Photos: Martina Spies

    Yuyun Harmono, Jakarta Community Manager

    Water supply has been private in Jakarta since 1997, and yet 71.59 percent of households in Jakarta do not have access to clean water. The Citizen’s Coalition Against Water Privatisation in Jakarta has therefore filed a citizen lawsuit against the government and the private water companies protesting both the lack of clean water and the high rates charged. The coalition is pushing for remunicipalisation of water services, which would restore water management into public hands and hopefully allow for greater citizen participation.

    Gubernur terpilih, Joko Widodo punya banyak pekerjaan rumah. Selain soal macet dan transportasi publik yang layak, persoalan air bersih di Jakarta merupakan salah satu persoalan yang mendesak untuk diselesaikan.

    Persentase rumah tangga yang mengakses air minum layak terutama di perkotaan mengalami tren yang terus menurun. Menurut data Biro Pusat Statistik 2011 pada tahun 1993 sekitar 50 persen penduduk di perkotaan memiliki akses terhadap air minum layak, pada triwulan 2011 persentasenya menjadi 40 persen. Hal ini tentu menjadi perhatian kita bersama apalagi di kota besar seperti Jakarta.

    Di Jakarta, persentase rumah tangga yang menggunakan air minum layak berdasarkan hasil Susenas BPS tahun 2009-2010 mencapai 34,81 persen (2009) menurun menjadi 28,41 persen (2010). Artinya, pada tahun 2010 masih ada 71,59 persen rumah tangga di Jakarta belum dapat mengakses air bersih.

    Privatisasi air Jakarta terjadi sejak 16 tahun yang lalu, tepatnya pada tahun 1997, PAM Jaya menandatangani perjanjian kerjasama dengan dua mitra swasta yaitu Suez Environnement dari Prancis dan Thames Water dari Inggris. Palyja menangani bagian barat Jakarta, sedangkan Thames PAM Jaya yang berubah nama menjadi PT Aetra Air Jakarta di bagian timur.

    Berdasarkan data Badan Regulator Pelayanan Air Minum DKI Jakarta terdapat peningkatan rasio cakupan pelayanan setelah pihak swasta dilibatkan dalam pengelolaan air bersih di Jakarta. Pada tahun 1998, rasio cakupan pelayanan di barat Sungai Ciliwung hanya 33,8 persen dari jumlah penduduk di wilayah itu. Pada tahun 2009 rasio cakupan pelayanan naik menjadi 63,9 persen.

    Di sisi timur Sungai Ciliwung, pada tahun 1998 rasio cakupan pelayanan hanya 52 persen. Pada tahun 2009, rasio cakupan pelayanan mencapai 59,67 persen. Meski demikian, peningkatan cakupan pelayanan tidak sesuai dengan target yang harusnya dicapai oleh kedua mitra swasta tersebut. Dalam konsesi awal target yang harus dicapai adalah 75 persen pada tahun 2008, target dilonggarkan setelah negosiasi menjadi hanya 68 persen. Meski sudah dilonggarkan, target tersebut tak juga mampu dipenuhi.

    Tarif yang terlalu tinggi juga menjadi persoalan. Pelanggan membayar tarif antara Rp 1.050 hingga Rp 14.650 per meter kubik. Tingginya tarif mempersulit warga miskin Jakarta untuk mendapat layanan air bersih. Tarif ini ditengarai tertinggi di asia tenggara.

    Kontrak Kerjasama juga mengharuskan PAM Jaya harus membayar utang imbalan air kepada kedua mitra swasta tersebut. Hingga November 2011, nilai utang itu mencapai Rp 619,97 miliar. Pada tahun 2023, PAM Jaya memproyeksikan utang tersebut dapat mencapai Rp 18,2 triliun.

    Koalisi Masyarakat Menolak Swastanisasi Air Jakarta (KMMSAJ) menyatakan bahwa privatisasi air Jakarta semakin menjauhkan hak masyarakat untuk mendapatkan air bersih. Tingginya harga air bersih per unit disebabkan oleh inefisiensi proses provision, produksi, dan delivery air bersih. Celakanya biaya inefisiensi ini dibebankan kepada konsumen.

    KMMSAJ melayangkan gugatan warga negara atas praktek privatisasi air yang terjadi di Jakarta, setelah sebelumnya mereka mendesak untuk mengakhiri kontrak kerjasama dengan pihak swasta. Selain menimbulkan kerugian kepada masyarakat, kerjasama ini juga menimbulkan kerugian kepada Pemerintah Pusat, Pemerintah Daerah Khusus Ibukota Jakarta, dan PDAM sendiri.

    Muhammad Reza salah satu pegiat KMMSAJ yang juga aktif di Koalisi Rakyat untuk Hak Atas Air berpandangan bahwa negara seharusnya menguasai pengelolaan air, ia mengatakan tuntutan ini sesuai dengan konstitusi dan kecenderungan internasional untuk mengembalikan pengelolaan air kepada negara disertai partisipasi yang lebih besar dari warga kota. Konsep ini dikenal sebagai remunisipalisasi; mengembalikan pengelolaan air ke tangan publik.

    Katy Fentress, Nairobi Community Manager

    In a country in which government planning is glaringly absent from its sprawling shantytowns, it takes external actors to tackle some of the infrastructure needs of these underserved locations.

    Private companies on their own do not generally enter into a slum-upgrading program unless given a concrete incentive to do so. That said, private investment in slums is not uncommon: it is a recognised fact that the small-scale purchasing power of individual slum dwellers really adds up when it is multiplied by the hundreds of thousands of souls that can inhabit an informal settlement.

    Enter Esther Passaris, part Greek, part Kenyan, brought up in the coastal city of Mombasa, who has spent the better part of a decade harnessing the power of Kenya’s businesses to create projects with a positive social impact. Until her recent attempt to gain a seat as women’s representative for Nairobi during the past Kenyan elections, Passaris was best known for spearheading the Adopt-a-light business model in Kenya.

    Adopt-a-light is an initiative that became active in the slums in 2005. The stated aim of the project was to:

    “Improve the quality of people’s lives by ensuring that public spaces — slums, streets, parks, neighbourhoods — remain well lit after sunset through an effective partnership between the private and public sectors to finance and facilitate the installation of lights and in so doing, to improve security, safety and aesthetics of public areas, enabling populations to more fully enjoy their lives and participate in economic and recreational activity while at the same time providing financial sponsors with quality advertising services.” (Source: UN Habitat Business Award Report on Best Practice)

    For the project to succeed, Passaris brought together powerful partners from the Kenyan private sector in collaboration with the Nairobi City Council and the Kenyan Parliament through the Constituency Development Fund (CDF).

    The path to success for Adopt-a-light was however initially a rocky one, as in the early stages, Passaris found herself up against reluctance on the part of the Nairobi City Council (NCC) to fully back the implementation of her project.

    There was also a problem related to access in the densely populated slums. This was overcome by involving community administrators and leaders in the planning process, who helped to identify ideal locations and also to coordinate the compensation of families that would have to be relocated as a result of the project.

    Despite these hurdles, by 2009 the program had installed 3,000 streetlights along 50 streets and had erected 33 high mast lights — considered the most viable option given the potential for vandalism — in several slums across Nairobi, serving over 150,000 households.

    An independent review conducted by the Steadman Group (now known as Synovate Ipsos Kenya Limited) in 2006, found that Adopt-a-light had improved security in the slums, enabled business people to extend opening hours and hence improve sales, allowed residents to undertake certain tasks like cooking outside at night and generally improved social life for residents who were now able to host visitors for longer hours.

    Passaris received a UN Habitat Business Award in 2009 for Adopt-a-light. Since then, news on the project has largely died out with no updates or sources of information that detail how it has evolved and expanded. The company’s website is currently down and the phone number provided does not work. Nevertheless, a cursory glance around slums like Mathare and Kibera, reveal that the 30 metre high Adopt-a-Light masts — instantly recognizable by there red and white stripes — are still on and functioning, proof that the project has withstood the test of time and that although it might not be expanding, still continues to be functional.

    Catalina Gomez, Rio de Janeiro Community Manager

    A renovação urbana do Porto Maravilha no Rio de Janeiro é um ambicioso projeto de requalificação da deteriorada zona portuária que abrange uma área de 5 milhões de metros quadrados. O projeto busca criar novas condições de moradia, trabalho, transporte e lazer para a população que ali vive principalmente aquela de baixa renda, mais tentando gerar um espaço de uso misto pioneiro na cidade.

    Para fazer possível este projeto visionário de grande porte, a Prefeitura do Rio com apoio dos governos Estadual e Federal, vem avançando na legislação adequada e nos mecanismos para atrair o interesse de investidores privados e conseguir financiamento das obras de renovação urbana. Primero, a Prefeitura estabeleceu uma lei em 2009 criando uma área de interesse urbanístico e criando o mecanismo de operação do projeto. Também foi criada a Companhia de Desenvolvimento Urbano da Região do Porto do Rio de Janeiro (CDURP), para coordenar a execução do projeto. A empresa é de economia mista para facilitar sua gestão financeira e operativa. O controle da empresa é feito pela própria Prefeitura do Rio.

    A Prefeitura também criou uma serie de incentivos financeiros para explorar o potencial construtivo, mais assegurando que os investimentos tenham retornos na área portuária. Por isso foram criados os Certificados de Potencial Adicional Construtivo (CEPACs), os quais deverão ser comprados pelos construtores privados. Assim todo o valor arrecadado com a venda dos CEPACs é obrigatoriamente investido na melhoria da infraestrutura urbana e em serviços na região. A norma estabelece que pelo menos 3 por cento dos recursos da venda dos CEPACs deverá ser investido no desenvolvimento social dos moradores e trabalhadores da zona. Os principais investimentos sociais incluem:

    • criação de habitações de interesse social
    • instalação de creches e escolas
    • integração dos diversos modais de transporte público, facilitando a acessibilidade e a comunicação
    • recuperação da qualidade ambiental da área
    • criação de programas de desenvolvimento comunitário.

    O projeto ainda não foi terminado, mais o ele já tem avanços importantes. Por exemplo, as principais obras da fase inicial incluindo a construção de novas redes de água, esgoto e drenagem nas avenidas Barão de Tefé e Venezuela e a urbanização do Morro da Conceição (uma das primeiras favelas cariocas), já foram terminadas recentemente. Também em julho de 2012 foram iniciados os trabalhos de uma segunda fase incluindo um projeto de urbanização com novos padrões de qualidade dos serviços urbanos com coleta seletiva de lixo e iluminação pública eficiente e econômica, além da reurbanização de 70 km de vias. Outra fase ainda em construção contempla a implantação de equipamentos de grande impacto cultural, como o Museu de Arte do Rio de Janeiro (Mar) e o Museu do Amanhã.

    A participação privada no projeto está ainda em processo de consolidação. Tem sido de grande importância que a Prefeitura tenha desenvolvido um marco legal claro, um organismo executor misto e vários tipos de incentivos para a participação privada mais garantindo retornos importantes para os moradores do Porto Maravilha.

    Photos: Projeto Porto Maravilha

    Catalina Gomez, Rio de Janeiro Community Manager

    The Porto Maravilha project in Rio de Janeiro is an ambitious urban renewal initiative taking place in the old port, one of the most deteriorated parts of the city, spanning 5 million square meters. The project aims at improving the living conditions of its poorest residents, especially with regard to housing, labor, transportation, and recreation, as well as generating a pioneering mixed-income space within the city.

    To make this visionary project possible, Rio’s local government, with the support of the State and Federal Governments, has developed special legislation and mechanisms to attract private investing. First, the local government established a law creating and delimiting the area of interest, so it could have special operating conditions. It also created a mechanism to implement the project, including its leading agency, Rio de Janeiro’s Port Region Urban Development Company, which is made up of both public and private capital.

    The local government has also created a series of financial incentives to involve the private sector, while making sure that investments have visible returns for the port area. The Added Value Construction Certificates, known as CEPACS, were created for this purpose. These certificates must be purchased by developers who want to invest in the area. The collected value from the CEPACs is therefore invested in the renewal of the port area. The law establishes that at least 3 percent of the resources from the CEPACs must be invested in the social well-being of residents and workers of the neighborhood. The main social investments include:

    • The creation of new housing projects for low-income populations
    • The construction of new schools and childcare facilities
    • The construction of terminals and other transportation facilities
    • The environmental conservation of the area
    • The creation of community development programs

    Although the project has not yet been fully implemented, it has already presented important results. For example, it has built new networks of water and sewerage in Avenues Barão de Tefé and Venezuela, and it has resulted the urbanization project of the Morro da Conceição, one of Rio’s first favelas, which is near the port area. In July 2012, an urbanization project with innovatory urban services was started, and now includes garbage collection, efficient public illumination, and more than 70 km of new roads. Other initiatives still under construction include the Rio de Janeiro Art Museum and the Museum of Tomorrow.

    The limited amount of private participation in the project is still far from ideal. But the existing private investment is definitely due to the local government’s establishment of a clear legal framework of operation, an efficient mixed income executing agency, a series of incentives for private developers, and, more importantly, the fact that such incentives are reflected in social investments for the Porto Maravilha’s residents.

    Photos: Projeto Porto Maravilha

    María Fernanda Carvallo, Mexico City Community Manager

    El proceso de urbanización conlleva la sinergia de diversos actores para hacer frente a la demanda de las ciudades en rumbo hacia el desarrollo. Por ejemplo, la inversión del sector privado para la planeación y mejoría del desarrollo urbano. En este sentido, la Ciudad de México es evidencia de la participación privada que mejoró el transporte público y la movilidad de los capitalinos. A partir del año 2000 en el D.F. se abrió la puerta a la inversión privada y poco a poco se fue consolidando esta estrategia para atraer el capital privado a favor de la ciudad. En el 2008, el Gobierno del Distrito Federal incorporó una nueva figura de inversión: los Proyectos de Prestación de Servicios a Largo Plazo (PPS).

    De acuerdo a la Secretaría de Finanzas del DF, “la Administración Pública del Distrito Federal tiene como prioridad desarrollar la infraestructura estratégica a través de esquemas financieros eficientes y transparentes que no constituyan endeudamiento público y que no representen una carga excesiva al erario público; que el cumplimiento del interés público puede ser compatible con oportunidades de inversión para los sectores social y privado a través de esquemas de asociación con reglas claras que aprovechen la experiencia y los medios de financiamiento; […] así como para incrementar la eficiencia en el uso de los recursos de la Administración Pública del Distrito Federal”.

    La Secretaría de Obras del Gobierno del Distrito Federal afirmó en el 2012 que los nuevos esquemas de inversión pública-privada (PPS) propiciaron un mayor avance en materia de infraestructura de los últimos 30 años, con un monto de 60 mil millones de pesos. El esquema de inversión permitió destinar recursos público-privados para consolidar el transporte público y la movilidad. Por ejemplo, se amplió la cobertura de la red del Metrobús, de 20 a 95 kilómetros y el carril se amplió de 40 a 134 kilómetros, mientras que se desarrollaron más de 70 estaciones y terminales. Similarmente, se construyó la Línea 12 del Metro, catalogada como la obra más grande de América Latina.

    En materia de vialidad, se logró construir un corredor vial, 23 puentes vehiculares y distribuidores viales. Así mismo se construyó la Autopista Urbana que pretende revertir el tráfico en las vialidades aledañas en donde la velocidad promedio de los autos es de 14 km/h y el 60 por ciento de los traslados tardan más de 2 horas; al igual, en zonas en donde el crecimiento urbano se ha dado en forma de embudo, y los autos han aumentado a gran velocidad sin rutas de transporte público. Con esta infraestructura urbana de 5.4 km se pretende disminuir el tiempo de traslado, lo que conlleva a menor combustión y emisiones de gases y contaminantes de efecto invernadero en la ciudad. El proyecto se acompaña de la creación de un Fondo Ambiental Público para la reforestación y la conservación de barrancas y áreas naturales.

    De acuerdo al Programa para el Impulso de Asociaciones Público Privadas en Estados Mexicanos (PIAPPEM) el desarrollo de este tipo de proyectos ayudan a las administraciones a transferir riesgos inherentes a los proyectos que pueden ser atendidos por el sector privado de manera más eficiente, mejorar la planificación de la inversión y disminuir la presión presupuestaria requerida para el desarrollo de proyectos de gran alcance.

    María Fernanda Carvallo, Mexico City Community Manager

    The urbanization process requires the combined effort of diverse stakeholders in order to take on demands from developing cities. The investment in the private sector for planning and the improvement of urban development is an example of this combined effort. Mexico City is a good example of how private participation improves public transportation and the mobility of citizens. Since 2000, Mexico City has opened its doors to private investment and has slowly attracted private capital to improve the city. Moreover, the Federal District’s Government incorporated in 2008 a new investment program, Proyectos de Prestación de Servicios a Largo Plazo—PPS (Long-Term Provision Service Projects).

    According to the Secretaría de Finanzas del DF (the Federal District’s Ministry of Finance), “the Public Administration of the Federal District has as its priority the development of strategic infrastructure through efficient and transparent financial schemes that do not worsen public debt and that do not represent a burden to the economy; that the compliance with public interest may be compatible with investment opportunities for the private and social sectors through partnership schemes with clear rules that use financial experience and methods; […] and to increase resource efficiency of the Federal District Public Administration.”

    Mexico City’s Ministry of Public Works stated in 2012 that private-public investment schemes (PPS) of 60 billion pesos ($4.7 billion dollars) have been instrumental in advancing infrastructure over the past 30 years. PPSs allows public-private resources to strengthen public transportation and mobility. For example, coverage of the Metrobús network was expanded from 20 to 95 kilometers, bus-only lanes were increased from 40 to 134 kilometers, and more than 70 stations and terminals were created. Further, the Línea 12 (Route 12) of the light rail system is considered to be Latin America’s largest infrastructure development.

    In regards to roads and highways, a freeway, 23 overpasses, and freeway interchanges were built. The Autopista Urbana (Urban Freeway) was created to re-route traffic from overcrowded adjacent roads and the nearby unregulated roads that residents reverted to. With this added urban infrastructure of 5.4km (3.3 miles), commuters decrease their commute time,leading to lower combustion, pollution, and greenhouse emissions. The project is accompanied by the creation of a Public Environmental Fund to benefit reforestation and the conservation of ravines and natural areas.

    According to the Programa para el Impulso de Asociaciones Público Privadas en Estados Mexicanos (the Program to Promote Public-Private Partnerships in Mexican States), development projects help administrations transfer inherent risks to projects that can be served more efficiently by the private sector, which improves investment planning and decreases budgetary pressure required for the development of long-range projects.

    Anshu Adhikari and Nisha Karki, Dhaka Contributors

    ১৯৭১ সালে বাংলাদেশ স্বাধীন হওয়ার পর, বিভিন্ন বেসরকারি প্রতিষ্ঠান যেমন তৈরি পোশাক শিল্প এবং শিক্ষা প্রতিষ্ঠান দেশটির অবকাঠামো ও অর্থনীতি উন্নয়নের জন্য গুরুত্বপূর্ণ ভূমিকা পালন করেছে। আর এই ধারাবাহিকতায় বাংলাদেশ সরকার কর্তৃক অবকাঠামো ও সেবা প্রতিষ্ঠার জন্য ২০১০ সালের আগস্ট মাসে “পলিসি অ্যান্ড স্ট্রাটেজি ফর পাবলিক প্রাইভেট পার্টনারশিপ” (পিপিপি) প্রতিষ্ঠিত হয়। পিপিপি প্রোগ্রামের মূল লক্ষ্য ২০২১ সালের মধ্যে সরকারী সব প্রতিষ্ঠানের সেবার মান উন্নয়ন নিশ্চিত করা এবং জনগণের চাহিদার প্রতি সর্বোচ্চ গুরুত্ব দেওয়া। শিক্ষার মান উন্নয়ন এবং নিরক্ষরতার হার কমিয়ে আনার জন্য বাংলাদেশ পাবলিক- প্রাইভেট পার্টনারশিপ (পিপিপি) ইউনিট কাজ করে যাচ্ছে। নারীর ক্ষমতায়ন এবং লিঙ্গ বৈষম্য দূরীকরণের লক্ষে বাংলাদেশ সরকার ইতিমধ্যে বিশ্ব ব্যাংক এবং এশিয়ান উন্নয়ন ব্যাংকের সহায়তায় নারীদেরকে উপবৃত্তি প্রদান করছে। ১৯৯৮ সালে প্রায় ২.৬ মিলিয়ন নারী উপবৃত্তি পায় এবং প্রায় শতকরা ৭৫ ভাগ মেয়ে মাধ্যমিক বিদ্যালয়ে ভর্তির সুযোগ পায়। যদিও গ্রামের মেয়েরা এই সুবিধার আওতাভুক্ত, শহরের মেয়েরা এই সুবিধা পাচ্ছে না। ২০২১ সালের মধ্যে সরকারের লক্ষ্য পূরণের জন্য গ্রামের ও শহরের ছেলে-মেয়েদেরকে সমান শিক্ষার সুযোগ সরবরাহ করার জন্য উদ্যোগ নেয়া প্রয়োজন।

    After the Bangladesh independence war in 1971, many private actors, such as garment factories and educational institutions, played a significant role in developing Bangladesh’s infrastructure and economy. In August 2010, the Policy and Strategy for Public Private Partnership (PPP) was issued by the Government of Bangladesh to assist the development of public infrastructure and services: “The PPP program is part of the Government’s Vision 2021 goal to ensure a more rapid, inclusive growth trajectory, and to better meet the need for enhanced, high-quality public services in a fiscally sustainable manner.” The PPP office was established under the Prime Minister’s office to assist with the development of public-private partnership projects within international standards. In order to promote financial responsibility and sustainability of these public-private partnerships, the PPP unit was established under the Ministry of Finance. Thanks to these policies, public-private partnerships have indeed been effective in reducing the illiteracy rate in Bangladesh.

    Because of education’s role in reducing poverty, building social networks, creating job opportunities, and lowering gender inequality, the Government of Bangladesh has collaborated with private organizations to improve primary and secondary level education. Since the late 1990s, the government has initiated programs to provide grants to NGOs and PVOs (private voluntary organizations) to set up primary schools in under-served areas. The government also provides subsidies to most of the country’s private schools, including help with teacher salaries and text books for students. This policy has successfully increased the number of satellite schools, from only 200 in 1996 to 3,884 in 2000.

    With the objectives of lowering gender disparity, and empowering women socially and economically through female education, the Government of Bangladesh initiated the Female Stipend program, in partnership with the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank. This female stipend program encourages poor girls to attend school by providing uniform stipends, book allowances, and tuition subsidies to girls who were otherwise likely to drop out due to financial constraints. The project also includes teacher trainings, recruitment of female teachers, curriculum reforms, school infrastructure development, and awareness programs.

    The implementation of the Female Stipend program has increased girls’ school enrollment, especially at the secondary school level. In 1998, about 2.6 million girls benefited from this program, which was nearly 75 percent of all girls enrolled in secondary school. Although the Female Stipend program is effective and fairly widespread, it has been initiated only in certain schools and in certain areas, including largely rural settings. If the Female Stipend were expanded to include more girls, especially in urban areas, the female illiteracy rate in Bangladesh would likely decrease significantly.

    One of the main issues with the Female Stipend program is that it fails to provide support for boys’ education. Most of the public-private programs focus mainly on educating poor girls, without considering the overall rate of children’s schooling. To achieve the Government’s Vision 2021 goal, PPP programs need to start implementing educational support programs that provide equal opportunity for both girls and boys, in both urban and poor areas.

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    According to the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, the world population is growing at an alarming rate, and if not tempered, the world will face serious problems. Rapid urbanization and population growth therefore pose a challenge that social policies must address. Read more or join the discussion.

    Submitted by Maria Fernanda Carvallo — Mon, 07/08/2013 – 00:00

    Tal como se ha comentado anteriormente (leer La urgencia de cimentar los ejes rectores hacia una sociedad saludable y La necesaria vinculación de la farmacovigilancia y la farmacoeconomía en México), México ha avanzado en materia de salud. Las enfermedades de hoy no son las de hace algunas décadas atrás, de hecho, las enfermedades que aquejan hoy en día a la sociedad mexicana son las denominadas crónico-degenerativas, dejando así en el pasado las enfermedades gastrointestinales, sarampión, entre otras. Leer más.

    Submitted by Saúl Guarneros — Wed, 06/26/2013 – 16:53

    Monsoon clouds moved over Mumbai last week, opening up into a deluge. It’s the start of the rainy season in India — a welcome relief from the summer heat and a time to recharge water levels that had dropped to drought levels. While most people celebrate the wet months ahead, the season also brings with it a number of public health and safety hazards. Malaria is among the deadly diseases that raise alarms for public health officials, and it is slum dwellers who are most widely affected. Read more or join the discussion.

    Submitted by Carlin Carr — Mon, 06/24/2013 – 00:00

    Dengue fever is an infectious disease caused by a virus and transmitted by the mosquito Aedes aegypti. It is currently one of the most common public health problems around the world, especially in tropical and subtropical areas. Dengue fever has four main types, in Brazil the most common ones are the classic dengue fever and the dengue hemorrhagic fever. The former is a light virus that with cold-like symptoms. The latter is a much more complex disease that can lead to nasal, urinary, and intestinal hemorrhages, compromised organs, and even death. Read more or join the discussion.

    Submitted by Catalina Gomez — Mon, 06/24/2013 – 00:00

    A dengue é uma doença infecciosa febril aguda causada por um vírus através do mosquito Aedes aegypti. Atualmente, a dengue é considerada um dos principais problemas de saúde pública de todo o mundo, especialmente nas áreas tropicais e subtropicais. A dengue tem quatro formas diferentes de se apresentar, sendo as mais frequentes no Brasil a dengue clássica e a febre hemorrágica da dengue. A dengue clássica é uma forma mais leve da doença e semelhante à gripe. A dengue hemorrágica é uma doença grave provocando hemorragias nasais, gengivais, urinárias, gastrointestinais ou uterinas. Leia mais o discutir.

    Dengue fever is an infectious disease caused by a virus and transmitted by the mosquito Aedes aegypti. It is currently one of the most common public health problems around the world, especially in tropical and subtropical areas. Dengue fever has four main types, in Brazil the most common ones are the classic dengue fever and the dengue hemorrhagic fever. The former is a light virus that with cold-like symptoms. The latter is a much more complex disease that can lead to nasal, urinary, and intestinal hemorrhages, compromised organs, and even death. Read more or join the discussion.

    Submitted by Catalina Gomez — Mon, 06/24/2013 – 00:00

    A short man wearing a hooded coat pushes back the door to a small shed. Lying by the door, his closed eyes caught in the path of a dusty ray of sunshine, a young man of about twenty stirs. The man lying next to him scratches his arm and wraps himself tighter in his jacket. Next to them another four men are stretched out on the packed earth, unaware of the intrusion. This is Mathare and these men, like many others in shacks on either side of them, have rented a piece of floor to have a place to rest for the night. They might not have blankets and a mattress to lie on, but the warmth of their bodies is enough to stave off the worst of the cold. Read more or join the discussion.

    Submitted by Katy Fentress — Mon, 06/24/2013 – 00:00

    Mexico City is ravaged every year by the seasonal flu. But in 2009, a new strain of swine flu emerged in the city, alarming enough for the World Health Organization to deem the pandemic a level 5 alert. Read more or join the discussion.

    Submitted by Maria Fernanda Carvallo — Mon, 06/24/2013 – 00:00

    El Distrito Federal cada año sufre los estragos de la influenza estacional. No obstante, las medidas de prevención de este virus tuvieron mayor énfasis a partir del surgimiento de una nueva cepa de gripe porcina en el Distrito Federal que en el año 2009 dio origen a una pandemia inminente, clasificada por la Organización Mundial de la Salud como nivel de alerta 5. Leer más o discutir.

    Mexico City is ravaged every year by the seasonal flu. But in 2009, a new strain of swine flu emerged in the city, alarming enough for the World Health Organization to deem the pandemic a level 5 alert. Read more or join the discussion.

    Submitted by Maria Fernanda Carvallo — Mon, 06/24/2013 – 00:00

    Demam berdarah dengue (DBD) pertama kali ditemukan pada tahun 1968 di DKI Jakarta dan Surabaya dan hingga kini telah menyebar ke seluruh wilayah Indonesia. Kasus demam berdarah di Indonesia merupakan nomor dua tertinggi di dunia dan tertinggi di wilayah Asia Tenggara dengan angka kematian mencapai 1.125 kasus di tahun 2011. Baca lebih lanjut atau bergabung dalam diskusi.

    Submitted by widya anggraini — Mon, 06/24/2013 – 00:00

    In the area of health, mobile devices are enabling developing countries to not only leap-frog the wired world but also rise above persistent social, political, economic barriers. Examples from emerging economies around world illustrate a variety of innovations that hold promise and demonstrate success for improved health in urban centers with the greatest need. Read more.

    Submitted by Tracey Grose — Thu, 05/16/2013 – 11:40

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    Land titles have a big impact on the lives of the poor: without them, residents of informal or marginalized communities are in constant fear of relocation or demolition, and are prevented from benefiting from the land’s productive uses. Housing tenure gives slum residents a guaranteed right to the land and their properties, and enables them to make investments that improve their living conditions. The following articles describe four initiatives in Bogotá, Rio de Janeiro, Johannesburg, and Bangalore that are working to resolve the tricky issue of land titling. Read on to learn more, and then join the discussion below.

    Jorge Bela, Gestor Comunitario de Bogotá

    Uno de los principales frenos al desarrollo de los asentamientos irregulares es la falta de títulos de propiedad por parte de sus ocupantes. En Colombia, donde los conflictos armados que se prolongan desde hace décadas han sumado un número significativo de desplazados por la violencia a los flujos migratorios observados en toda Latinoamérica, este problema tiene una especial gravedad. Para atajar este problema en el año 2005 se aprobó una ley que permitía la transferencia gratuita de predios fiscales, o de titularidad pública, que hubieran sido ocupados antes de 2001. El alcance de esta ley deja fuera del proyecto de titulación a los asentamientos edificados sobre predios de propiedad privada.

    Uno de los proyectos mas exitosos dentro de este programa se está realizando en Bogotá. Se trata de un asentamiento informal extendido sobre 70 hectáreas en las localidades Álvaro Uribe Uribe y Suba, y en el que vivían más de 5.000 familias. El proyecto fue lanzado en 2008 y en la actualidad se han entregado ya 4.200 títulos. El proyecto es singular por su tamaño, es el mayor de Colombia, y por el alto porcentaje de éxito conseguido con el mismo. Alejandro Quintero, coordinador del Grupo de Titulación y Saneamiento Predial del Ministerio de Vivienda considera que el proyecto constituye un modelo a seguir en otras ciudades, y ya tienen previsto aplicarlo en a Cúcuta y Melgar.

    Los terrenos eran propiedad del Estado colombiano, lo que requirió una serie de actos legales para facilitar su cesión: incluso el Presidente tuvo que emitir un acto administrativo para ceder en primera instancia la propiedad al ministerio de vivienda, quien con posterioridad lo transfirió a la Alcaldía de Bogotá. Fue la Alcaldía, a través de a Secretaría Distrital del Habitat quien se encargó del complejo proceso de entrega de títulos. A pesar de la dificultad jurídica de la operación y de la diferente orientación política de las administraciones local y nacional, la relación entre ambas ha sido fluida en este proyecto, según afirmó Alejandro Quintero.

    Aunque la asignación de títulos es relativamente costosa, pues se requiere un certificado de plano predial, el avalúo del inmueble y otros gastos, gran parte de estos se cubrieron gracias a un préstamo del Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo, que acompañó al Ministerio de la Vivienda en este proyecto. Aunque los habitantes de los asentamientos en un principio recibieron las visitas de los funcionarios, que se acercaban a sus viviendas para recabar datos, con recelo, pronto se solventaron estos problemas de confianza. Las viviendas ubicadas en zonas de alto riesgo, como quebradas, o en el ámbito de seguridad de la cárcel de la Picota, fueron excluidas, y sus habitantes incluidos en un proceso de reubicación. Tampoco se entregaron títulos a las personas que hubieron obtenido la vivienda mediante fraude o extorsión, ni a las que excedían de un valor de 79.000.000 COP (unos 40.000US).

    Al tiempo que se entregaban los títulos, se realizó un proyecto de regulación urbanística y otro de mejoramiento de viviendas. Para Alejandro Quintero los efectos de todas estas intervenciones han sido rotundos: los habitantes de los 14 barrios que resultaron tienen una mayor calidad de vida, gozan de una mayor seguridad jurídica, quedan más lejos de la pobreza al tener un patrimonio que les permite respaldar actividades económicas, y generan ingresos fiscales nuevos para Bogotá. Para el 15 de noviembre han organizado un Foro Internacional de Titulación en el que esperan intercambiar experiencias con otros países de la región.

    Jorge Bela, Bogotá Community Manager

    Lack of property titles is one of the most significant barriers to development and poverty reduction in informal settlements. This problem is particularly serious in Colombia, where people displaced by several decades of armed conflict have joined the large number of immigrants for economic reasons in creating the largest number of informal settlements in Latin America. A law enacted in 2005 sought to tackle, at least partially, this problem by allowing for free transfer of property to informal residents. The scope of the law was limited to settlements established on public land before 2001, thus excluding all settlements on private land.

    One of the most successful programs undertaken under this law is in its final stages of implementation in Bogotá. It covered a huge informal settlement, 70 hectares in total, over the Usme and Álvaro Uribe wards, with over 5,000 families living there. The project was launched in 2008, and 4,200 property titles have been issued so far. The project is unique because of its size and the high rate of success. Alejandro Quintero, coordinator of the group in charge of the project in the Ministerio de la Vivienda, believes it can serve as a model for other cities, and Ministerio is in the process of launching similar ones in Cúcuta and Melgar.

    The settlement’s land was owned by the central Colombian Government, which presented unique legal challenges. A Presidential decree was necessary first to transfer the property to the Ministerio de la Vivienda, which in turn transferred it to the City of Bogotá. The City, through its Secretaría Distrital del Habitat was then in charge of the complex process of issuing individual titles to settlers. Despite the legal difficulties and the fact that the city and national governments were controlled by opposing political parties, the cooperation between them has been mostly smooth, according to Mr. Quintero.

    Even if the land is transferred for free, there are significant expenses associated with the process, which can be prohibitive for settlers. It is necessary, for example, to issue certificates of land registry, and to make price appraisals for each house. The Inter American Development Bank gave a loan to the Ministerio de la Vivienda to cover these costs, thus further facilitating the process. Although the residents were initially reluctant to provide the exhaustive information necessary to obtain the titles, soon a trusting relationship was established between then and the authorities. Houses located in high-risk areas, such as riverbanks, or too close to the Picota jail — the largest in Bogotá — were demolished, and the affected families where included in a relocation program. People who had obtained their houses through violence or fraud, as well as houses worth over 79,000,000 COP (about $40,000), were also excluded from the process.

    At the same time that the titles were being issued, urban planning and housing improvement projects were implemented. Alejandro Quintero believes that the result of all these initiatives has been clear: the inhabitants of the 14 neighborhoods resulting from the mass regularization of the informal settlements enjoy higher living standards, have stronger legal protection, are further away from poverty as they now have assets they can use to back economic activities, and generate new fiscal income for the city. On November 15th, the Ministerio de Vivienda will hold a seminar in order to share this experience with other countries in the region.

    Catalina Gomez, Coordenadora da Rede em Rio de Janeiro

    Rio de Janeiro está avançando na expansão efetiva da titulação de terras e beneficiando a sua população mais vulnerável. Esta direção positiva é o resultado da implementação do programa habitacional Minha Casa Minha Vida e do programa de melhoramento de bairros Morar Carioca.

    Minha Casa Minha Vida está focado em apoiar famílias de baixa renda na aquisição de moradia nova e na provisão do seu título de posse. O programa foi criado em 2009 e conta com a liderança e financiamento do Ministério das Cidades. Este ministério tem construído mais de um milhão de unidades habitacionais no Brasil e tem previsão de entregar mais dois milhões até 2014. Especificamente no Rio, Minha Casa Minha Vida é liderado em parceria pelas secretarias de habitação dos governos estadual e municipal; até hoje já fizeram entrega de mais de 60 mil moradias novas construídas em espaços regularizados, garantindo condições legais, habitacionais e ambientais adequadas.

    Morar Carioca complementa estes esforços focando-se no apoio da população que mora em assentamentos irregulares por médio de intervenções de melhoramento de bairros, expansão de serviços sociais e a promoção da regularização fundiária e a entrega de títulos de posse. O programa que foi lançado a partir de 2010 é liderado pela Secretaria Municipal de Habitação em coordenação com outras instituições.

    Especificamente sobre os processos de regularização e titulação realizados pelo Morar Carioca, vale ressaltar a complexidade daqueles processos; eles envolvem vários procedimentos burocráticos que levam meses em concluir, tais como: (i) registro das terras e seu uso; (ii) pesquisa e registro socioeconômico dos beneficiários; (iii) preparação da documentação legal e delimitação; e (iv) autorização dos títulos de posse. Todos estes trâmites são feitos com um número limitado de pessoal especializado, o que ressalta a necessidade de fortalecer os recursos humanos nesta área.

    Embora a regularização fundiária e a titulação sejam processos complexos e longos, Morar Carioca tem conseguido avançar na entrega de resultados com mais de 50 mil famílias beneficiadas com títulos de posse. Parte do sucesso do processo é a criação de varias unidades de informação nas comunidades beneficiarias que providenciam assistência e apoio para as famílias durante o ciclo de regularização e titulação.

    Ainda com os resultados bem sucedidos destes programas, existem dois desafios principais. O primeiro destaca a necessidade de reduzir os tempos de regularização e titulação para que sejam mais efetivos e menos burocráticos. O segundo, ainda mais complexo é a necessidade de fortalecer os direitos dos cidadãos que não tem documentação legal de propriedade suas terras e estão sendo expulsas para dar espaço às obras relacionadas com a Copa e as Olimpíadas.

    Foto: Secretaria de Estado de Habitação de Rio de Janeiro

    Catalina Gomez, Rio de Janeiro Community Manager

    Rio de Janeiro is actively moving forward with the expansion of effective land titling for its most vulnerable citizens. This positive trend is the result of the implementation of programs such as Minha Casa Minha Vida, the national housing program, and Morar Carioca, the city’s urban upgrading program.

    Minha Casa Minha Vida (My House My Life) supports low-income, first-time home buyers with the provision of affordable and flexible home-buying schemes, as well as though the provision of land titles upon the receipt of their new homes. The program, which was launched in 2009, is funded by the Ministry of the Cities; since then it has delivered more than one million houses throughout Brazil, and is expected to deliver two million more by 2014. In Rio, Minha Casa Minha Vida is implemented in partnership between the state and municipal housing secretariats. To date, these institutions have delivered more than 60,000 new units (and have announced 40,000 more for next year), all which have been constructed in formal spaces, with adequate legal, urban, and environmental conditions.

    Morar Carioca complements these efforts by supporting residents of informal settlements. The program works to upgrade neighborhood conditions, expand social services, and conduct regularization and titling services. Morar Carioca has been in place since 2010 and is led by the city’s Secretariat of Housing, in coordination with other local government bodies.

    With regard to the land regularization procedures and title provisions provided by Morar Carioca, it is worth noting that these processes aren’t as straightforward as many would think; they involve various bureaucratic procedures that sometimes take months to complete. These steps include (i) registering land extension and use; (ii) carrying out socio-economic profiles and registry of beneficiaries; (iii) preparing legal paperwork for land delimitation; and (iv) authorizing and issuing proper land titles. All of these tasks are carried out by a limited number of officers, demonstrating the need to strengthen related human and technical capacities in this field.

    Although land regularization and titling are complex and time-consuming processes, Morar Carioca is moving forward with the delivery of land titles and legal tenure services. As of June 2013, there have been around 50,000 families who have benefited from land regularization and legal tenure services. Pivotal to the program’s successful land regularization process has been the establishment of information desks in each beneficiary neighborhood, so that residents can receive guidance on the regularization procedures and further completion of the titling process.

    Although these two programs are well established and have been effective in delivering successful results, there are two main challenges ahead. The first is the need to make land regularization procedures more effective and less bureaucratic. The second is the need to properly address the rights of residents, including those without legal documentation. This is particularly relevant in a context of reported displacements of low-income families without proper land tenure in order to make room for World Cup and Olympic Games facilities.

    Photo credit: Secretaria de Estado de Habitação de Rio de Janeiro

    Tariq Toffa, Johannesburg Community Manager

    In South Africa, the government’s response to the characteristically peri-urban poverty of informal settlement (between 1.7 million and 2.5 million households) has occurred within the paradigm of individual title (subsidised housing), the conventional route for informal settlement upgrading in the country. Despite well-intentioned policies, however, this ownership model is far removed from lived realities; where many households are condemned to either waiting patiently for state-subsidised housing or to land occupation, while others cannot access the state subsidy, such as foreign nationals and the poor-but-not-poor-enough-to-qualify. In the longer term, the model could even be said to lock poor people into marginal locations.

    Reflecting global trends over the last decade, however, a more flexible approach is also emerging, as represented by the Urban LandMark (Urban Land Markets Programme Southern Africa) programme, which advocates for opening up more officially recognised channels of land supply as a primary means for improving the pro-poor access to and functioning of urban land markets, and the benefits that flow from it. Based in Pretoria, the programme was set up in 2006 with funding from the UK’s Department for International Development (UKaid), and is now hosted at the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research in South Africa.

    While an emphasis on individual ownership rights represents one approach to tenure; a second approach emphasises the administrative and legal mechanisms to tenure security as a first step towards official recognition. The Urban LandMark model, in seeking to realistically provide increasing levels of security during the period between informal settlement of an area and the delivery of ownership (through the housing subsidy), incorporates elements of both views. This incremental approach is probably the most distinctive feature of the model.

    A second and integral aspect of this approach is context specificity. By recognising existing local practices in land management (how land is accessed, held, traded, etc.), more appropriate responses that enhance community agency are built. Co-funded by the Cities Alliance Catalytic Fund with UKaid, Urban LandMark researched little-understood, local practices in six poorer urban areas in Southern Africa in order to provide guidance on incrementally securing different routes to tenure in informal settlement upgrading (or “regularisation”). In Johannesburg, from 2009 the City worked closely with Urban LandMark in the City’s Regularisation programme. Tenure security was provided to informal settlements through legalising the land use, allowing them to be upgraded in situ in an incremental way until they can be formally developed. This legal innovation entailed an amendment to the zoning scheme, and resulted in some 23 settlements being declared as transitional areas in 2009.

    A third important — though not emphasised — aspect of the incremental approach is the potential role accorded to space; for recognising local practices also means engaging the socio-spatial relationships that underpin them. Since municipal registers of informal settlement occupants have already been found to play a role in the land market, by linking it to the actual spaces through which practice occurs (e.g. layout plans), they may become an important hybrid resource for tenure security, and economic and social functions.

    Although the delivery of ownership will likely remain a national objective for some time, given the magnitude of informal settlements, alternative approaches remain crucial. However, land use and allocation in Southern Africa remains a highly political issue. It remains to be seen how perceptions of interim-focused models will fare in the long term, against the evidence of past provisions and current expectations of formal housing.

    Fig. 1: Different routes to greater tenure security. Fig. 2: Street and shack numbering: one mechanism for incrementally securing tenure. Both photos by Urban LandMark.

    Carlin Carr, Bangalore Community Manager

    Housing tenure can have a transformative impact on the lives of the poor. The security of ownership rights opens pathways for slum dwellers themselves to upgrade their living environments without fear of relocation or demolition. Beyond improved structural environments, tenure security also leads to improved health conditions, education levels and income levels. In this sense, housing tenure’s ripple effects make it one of the single most important aspects of improving the lives of slum dwellers.

    Yet housing tenure is a complicated issue. India’s most recent policy to tackle urban poverty and create “slum-free cities,” Rajiv Awas Yojana (RAY), recognizes the importance of tenure in creating inclusive cities, but has run into obstacles. RAY’s main tenet is “the security of tenure through entitlement.” In order to enforce this, the policy states that no Central Government support will be given to states which do not give legal entitlement to slum dwellers. The progressive mandate, however, has been less than well received from local governments, leaving RAY in a state of stagnation. “Rajiv Awas Yojana (RAY) has failed to take off, with states expressing reluctance to comply with mandatory provisions for availing central funds under the scheme such as according property rights to slum dwellers and earmarking 25% of the municipal budget for spending in colonies and slums where the urban poor live,” says a 2012 article in the Hindustan Times. Policymakers have had to revisit the strict mandates to encourage movement with the scheme.

    At meeting of over 100 policymakers, academics and practitioners at the Center for Environmental Planning and Technology in Ahmedabad, the participants broke down into working groups and devised strategies and recommendations for providing land tenure in RAY’s policy on slum-free cities. Here are a few key recommendations:

    • Review land ownership patterns: It’s essential to start from a point of identification in the land tenure process. Many tenure issues arise from slums being on private lands or on public lands designated for other uses. It’s important to advocate for bringing all parties — owners and residents — together to negotiate the process and devise mechanisms and strategies for residents to gain rights to tenure.
    • Provide tenure at the slum level: Giving land tenure at the slum level rather than the individual level reduces the likelihood that the tenure will be misused.
    • Ensure basic services are available: Whether the slum has tenure rights or not, basic services should be extended to all the slums. There was a consensus by the group that there should be universal coverage of basic services in all the slums.
    • Involve the community in the process: While “community participation” has become a great buzzword around urban poverty policies and interventions, there are few, if any, institutional mechanisms in place to ensure the participatory process. The CEPT working group suggests that the community must be involved from data collection to the design of the scheme — be it tenure rights or otherwise — to monitoring of the intervention once it’s in place.

    RAY is set to launch now and will be in the implementation phase from 2013-2022. The coming decade will be one to watch in India. RAY’s success, in the end, can only be measured by whether India’s cities have become more inclusive and equitable — not simply if they are slum-free.

    Photo credit: University of Salford Press Office

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    Individuals, organizations, and governments around the world are developing creative ways to promote and uphold the 30 articles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In recognition of Human Rights Day on December 10th, this conversation highlights solutions to issues ranging from discrimination against refugees to lack of access to sanitation. These solutions — which include online monitoring systems, a thriller feature film, in-home toilets, and activist photography — raise awareness and provide much-needed services for vulnerable communities. Read on to find out more about these initiatives from Nairobi, Jakarta, Dhaka, and Mumbai, and then share your thoughts in the discussion below.

    Katy Fentress, Nairobi Community Manager

    The September 2013 Westgate crisis was the most recent in a slew of attacks that have rocked Kenya since it began military operations in Somalia two years ago.

    The blame for this and previous attacks has generally been pinned on the Islamist group Al Shabaab, who claim to be retaliating against what for them is an unjust invasion and occupation of their country.

    While Eastleigh, a neighborhood in the east of Nairobi that houses most of the city’s Somali immigrants, has borne the brunt of most of these attacks, residents have also experienced a rise in hostility from local Kenyans and harassment at the hands of the police.

    Somalis in Nairobi live as urban refugees escaping from harsh realities back home. In their daily lives they invariably are affected to some degree by three overwhelming challenges. These, according to Kenyan-based film producer Vincenzo Cavallo, are discrimination, corruption, and terrorism.

    In an attempt to address these three symbiotic challenges, a movie is currently being produced by Cultural Video Foundation (CVF), a Nairobi-based film production company that is run by Cavallo and fellow-filmmaker Alessandra Argenti, with the support of an Italian NGO called the International Committee for the Development of Peoples (CISP) and funding from the European Union.

    The aim of the film, named Wazi FM, is to speak out about discrimination against Somali refugees at the hands of police and the connection between this and the rise in terrorist attacks. The film also attempts to send a message on the topic of corruption, as it highlights how it is this widespread practice that allows terrorists to cross the border into the Kenya in the first place.

    In Cavallo’s view, in order to prevent future terrorist attacks in Kenya and Somalia, it is essential to find a way for refugee communities and the police to work together on reporting suspicious activities and building trust where at the moment there is none.

    With Wazi FM, CVF has attempted to create a Kenyan Somali thriller. Filmed entirely in one location, the film is, according to Cavallo, a surreal take on the genre and one that aims to compete with commercial productions by providing the public with a breathtaking and compelling story.

    The aim of the production is to speak to both Kenyans and Somalis about how it is corruption and not immigration that is the main cause of insecurity in the country. Allowing Kenyan authorities to keep on with the extortion, harassment, and targeting of Somalis residents only serves to increasingly marginalize them and to create fertile territory where would-be terrorists and attackers can operate.

    Wazi FM was initially conceived as a twelve-episode TV series. Unfortunately, due to budgetary constraints, this was later cut down to a one-off feature film. CVF remains optimistic that they will succeed in broadening the reach of the show and that at some point it will be picked up by a local television channel brave enough to broadcast such a controversial message, or by an international distributor that is keen on covering sensitive topics of this kind.

    Countries like Kenya that have signed the United Nations International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights are required to uphold the rights of all people to liberty and security of person. They are also expected to guarantee non-discriminatory minority rights and equality before the law. It is thus imperative that the issue of corruption be adequately addressed both from the bottom up and through institutional processes, in order to guarantee that Kenyan citizens of Somali origin, and Somalis who are living in Kenya, are not subjected to discrimination on the part of those who are tasked with upholding their rights.

    Photo credit: Lorenzo Misselari

    Widya Anggraini, Jakarta Community Manager

    Undang-undang Dasar 1945 Indonesia secara resmi menjamin kebebasan memilih dan mempraktekkan agama dan kepercayaan tiap-tiap penduduk. Namun demikian pemerintah secara resmi mengakui hanya enam agama yaitu Islam, katolik, protestan, buddha, hindu dan konghuchu. akibatnya banyak terjadi kasus kekerasan terhadap minoritas penganut agama dan kepercayaan. Munculnya kelompok-kelompok militan islam misalnya, kerap melakukan intimidasi dan menyerang rumah-rumah ibadah serta anggota-anggota minoritas agama. Human Rights Watch yang sudah melakukan riset di 10 provinsi dan mewawancarai lebih dari 115 orang dari berbagai kepercayaan, menyatakan bahwa 71 diantara mereka adalah korban kekerasan dan pelanggaran. Begitu juga survey dari LSI yang menyatakan bahwa sejak kepemimpinan SBY tahun jumlah kekerasan diskriminasi meningkat dengan rata-rata 150 kasus pertahun dan 65 persen diantaranya adalah kekerasan agama.Dalam rangka menjaga keharmonisan dan keselarasan kehidupan beragama di Indonesia maka telah dikembangkan perangkat lunak yang dapat memonitor berbagai tindak kekerasan atas nama agama dan isu-isu pluralisme. Perangkat ini telah dikembangkan oleh dua institute di Jakarta, The Wahid Institute dan Setara Institute.

    The Wahid Institute (WI) berdiri tahun 2004 yang dibentuk sebagai upaya menyebarkan pemikiran islam moderat mantan presiden RI K.H Abdurrahman Wahid dalam mendorong terciptanya demokrasi, multikulturalisme dan toleransi baik di Indonesia maupun di dunia. Beberapa program yang menjadi wilayah kerja WI adalah advokasi kebijakan publik dan minoritas; kampanye islam demokrasi dan pluralisme; pemberdayaan akar rumput; serta monitoring isu keagamaan. Dalam hal monitoring isu keagaan ini WI telah mengembangkan pernangkat lunak untuk memantau isu-isu kekerasan dan konflik atas nama agama bernama Pemantauan Kebebasan Beragama dan Berkeyakinan. Kategori yang terangkum dalam perangkat tersebut termasuk diantaranya intoleransi dan diskriminasi atas dasar agama; kemajuan jaminan perlindungan kebebasan beragama/berkeyakinan serta pelanggaran kebebasan beragama/berkeyakinan. Jadi pada dasarnya perangkat ini bukan hanya melaporkan tindak kekerasan dan pelanggaran dalam beragama namun juga mencatat inisiatif-inisiatif masyarakat yang berupaya melindungi kebebasan masyarakat dalam beragama dan berkeyakinan.

    Perangkat serupa juga dikembangkan oleh Setara Institute yang mendesain Case Tracking System (CTS) untuk memantau pelanggaran kebebasan beragama/berkeyakinan di Indonesia. CTS merupakan bagian dari upaya Setara Institute untuk medorong terciptanya kondisi politik yang terbuka berdasar penghormatan atas keberagaman, pembelaan hak-hak manusia dan penghapusan sikap intoleran. Dalam form pelaporan CTS ini disebutkan kontak data pelapor, nama peristiwa, waktu dan tempat kejadian, korban, kerugian, pelaku baik negara maupun non-negara. Semua laporan masyarakat akan dikompilasi dan diolah menjadi data yang bisa diakses umum. Setiap tahun Setara Institute akan melakukan update berbagai bentuk dan jumlah tindakan pelanggaran, sebaran waktunya, grafik korban dan pelaku pelanggaran, serta jenis undang-undang yang dilanggar. Lebih jauh lagi, informasi dari CTS tersebut akan digunakan sebagai bahan laporan tentang kebebasan beragama (Report on Freedom of Religion and Belief) yang dikeluarkan setiap tahunnya serta sebagai materi penyusunan indeks kinerja penegakan HAM (Human Rights Enforcement Performance Index).

    Secara keseluruhan kedua perangkat yang diciptakan WI dan Setara Institute diharapkan akan memberikan gambaran tingkat toleransi masyarakat terhadap kebebasan beragama dan berkeyakinan serta menjadi alat advokasi bagi pemerintah untuk mengeluarkan kebijakan yang melindungi kelompok agama minoritas.

    Foto: Muslim Academy

    Widya Anggraini, Jakarta Community Manager

    Since 1945, Indonesia’s constitution formally guarantees the freedom of each citizen to choose and practice their own religion and beliefs. However, the government only officially recognizes six religions: Islam, Catholicism, Protestantism, Buddhism, Hinduism, and Confucianism – consequently giving rise to cases of violence against minority religions and faiths. The emergence of militant Islamic groups, for example, has often been responsible for intimidation and attacks of places of worship as well as members of religious minorities. The Human Rights Watch, which did research in ten provinces and interviewed over 115 people from different faith, stated that 71 of those interviewed were victims of violence and abuse. Another survey from LSI stated that since the current president’s election in 2004, violent discrimination has seen an increase of an average of 150 cases per year, with 65 percent of such cases being those of religious violence. In an effort to maintain the peace and harmonization of religious lives in Indonesia, two software initiatives have been developed to monitor various acts of violence related to religion and pluralistic issues – one by the Wahid Institute and the other by the Setara Institute.

    The Wahid Institute (WI) was founded in 2004 to spread the moderate Islamic beliefs of former Indonesian president Abdurahman Wahid, who believed in fostering democracy, multiculturalism, and tolerance in Indonesia and the world. Several programs undertaken by the WI include advocating public policy and minorities, campaigning Islamic democracy and pluralism, grassroots empowerment, as well as monitoring religious issues. In regards to the latter, WI has developed the “Monitoring the Freedom of Religion and Beliefs” software to monitor acts of religious violence and conflict. The categories contained within the software include intolerance and discrimination based on religion, promoting the guarantee of protection offered to religions/ beliefs, as well as the violation of freedoms of religions/beliefs. In sum, this device does not only report acts of religious violence, but also notes community initiatives that seek to protect the freedoms of the public to practice their religions and beliefs.

    A similar device, named the Case Tracking System (CTS), was developed by the Setara Institute to monitor violations of religious freedoms. The CTS is part of the efforts of the institute to endorse the creation of open political conditions based on respect for diversity, the defense of human rights, and the elimination of intolerant attitudes. The CTS report form contains contact details, the name of the event, the time and place of the incidents, the victims, the losses incurred, and both the positive and negative contributors to the incidents. All community reports are compiled and processed into data that can be accessed by the public. Every year, the Setara Institute will update the numbers and various types of violations, the distribution of time in between each, the graphs depicting offenders and victims, and the types of laws that were violated. Furthermore, information derived from the CTS will be used as material for reports on religious freedom (Report on Freedom of Religion and Belief) that will be issued each year, as well as for the preparation of the HAM index (Human Rights Enforcement Performance Index).

    All in all, both devices developed by the WI and the Setara Institute are expected to serve as both an overview of the level of community tolerance towards religious freedom, and as an advocacy tool for the government to issue laws and policies that will protect members of religious minorities.

    Photo: Muslim Academy

    লেখকঃ সায়মা সুলতানা জবা, অনুবাদকঃ ফারজানা নওশিন

    সব শহরকেই সংখ্যালঘু জাতিদের নিয়ে বিভিন্ন সমস্যার (যেমনঃ সংখ্যালঘুদের অসহযোগীতা) মোকাবেলা করতে হয়, কিন্তু সবাইকে মানবাধিকার লঙ্ঘন সংক্রান্ত সমস্যা এরকম নাটকীয় ভাবে সমাধান করতে বাধ্য হতে হয় না যেমন ভাবে বাংলাদেশ সরকারকে রোহিঙ্গা সম্প্রদায়ের সমস্যা মোকাবেলা করা হচ্ছে। রোহিঙ্গা সম্প্রদায় পশ্চিম মায়ানমারের উত্তর আরকান প্রদেশের সংখ্যালঘু মুসলিম জাতি। ১৯৭৮ সালে মায়ানমার সরকার থেকে তাদের নাগরিকত্ব অস্বীকার করা হয়েছে এবং গত দশ বছরে তারা বিভিন্ন ভাবে ধর্মীয় বৈষম্য এবং মানবাধিকার লঙ্ঘনের শিকার হয়েছে। ২০১২ সালে মায়ানমার বাংলাদেশ বর্ডার বন্ধ করে দেয়ার আগে অনেক রোহিঙ্গা তাদের প্রতিবেশী দেশ বাংলাদেশে নিরাপদ আশ্রয়ের জন্য চলে এসেছে। বর্তমানে প্রায় ২৯০০০ রোহিঙ্গা দক্ষিণ-পূর্ব বাংলাদেশে দুটি ক্যাম্পে রক্ষিত এবং অনুমিত প্রায় ২০০০০০ অনিবন্ধিত রোহিঙ্গা ক্যাম্পের আশেপাশে বিভিন্ন গ্রামে বাস করছে। এই এলাকার উচ্চ দারিদ্র, নিরক্ষরতা এবং কর্মহীনতার হার উদ্বাস্তুদের প্রতি বাংলাদেশীদের একটি বর্ধনশীল শত্রুতা তৈরি করছে। বাংলাদেশ সরকারের মতে মানবাধিকার রক্ষা সংস্থাগুলো শুধু আরো রোহিঙ্গাদের বাংলাদেশে আসার সুযোগ তৈরি করে দিচ্ছে।

    রোহিঙ্গা উদ্বাস্তুদের প্রতি ঢাকাভিত্তিক সরকারি প্রতিদ্বন্দ্বিতার মুখে কিছু সৃষ্টিশীল সচেতনতামূলক পদক্ষেপ নেয়া হয়েছে। বিশেষ করে ফটোগ্রাফির মাধ্যমেএকটি বিশাল প্রচারণা শুরু হয়েছে ঢাকা, বাংলাদেশের অন্যান্য অঞ্চল এবং সারা বিশ্বের মানুষের জন্য, এটি দেখানর জন্য যে রোহিঙ্গা কারা এবং এদের অধিকার রক্ষার জন্য কি করা যেতে পারে ।

    বাংলাদেশের প্রায় সব রাজনৈতিক, অর্থনৈতিক এবং সংবাদমাধ্যমের মতে ঢাকা মানবাধিকার লঙ্ঘনের প্রতিবাদের জন্য আন্তর্জাতিক সম্প্রদায়ের কাছে একটি শক্তিশালী স্থান। প্রামানিক আলোকচিত্রী সাইফুল হক অমি ঢাকার বাইরে কাজ করেন এবং ২০০৯ সাল থেকে তিনি রোহিঙ্গা সমস্যার প্রতি মনোনিবেশ করেন। অমি নিজেকে একজন আলোকচিত্রী বলার চেয়ে সামাজিক কর্মী হিসাবে বর্ণনা করেন। এখন পর্যন্ত তিনি “বাংলাদেশে আড়ম্বরহীন রোহিঙ্গা শরণার্থী বর্জন ও অস্বীকার” নামে একটি আলকচিত্রের প্রদর্শনী করেছেন। অমি বাংলাদেশের শরণার্থী শিবিরের এই সকল ছবি ব্যবহার করেন উদবাস্তু মানুষের জীবনের কাহিনী তুলে ধরার জন্য যারা নিজেরা নিজেদের কষ্টের কথা বলতে পারে না। উদাহরণস্বরূপ, সাম্প্রতিককালে তিনি এশিয়ান ইউনিভার্সিটি ফর উইমেন-এ (যেখানে ১৪ টি দেশের মেয়েরা পড়াশোনা করছে) তার রোহিঙ্গা শিবিরের আলোকচিত্রগুলো দেখান এবং বর্ণনা করেন যে কেন রোহিঙ্গা শরণার্থীদের সাহায্য করা গুরুত্বপূর্ণ এবং কেন এখানে আন্তর্জাতিক সাহায্য প্রয়োজন।

    অমির কাজ দেখায় যে রোহিঙ্গাদের মানবাধিকার রক্ষা একটি চরম অস্বীকৃত সমস্যা এবং শহর কেন্দ্রিক এই প্রচারণা প্রমান করে যে এটির দ্রুত সমাধান জরুরি, যদিও এই প্রচারণা এখনো সরকারের সিদ্ধান্তের বিরধিতা করতে রোহিঙ্গাদের উপর উপযুক্ত রাজনৈতিক মনোযোগ আকর্ষণ করতে পারে নি। তারপরও সৃজনশীল উপায়ে রোহিঙ্গা সমস্যার সমাধানের চেষ্টা, যা অনেক নাগরিকদের দৃষ্টি আকর্ষণ করে, একটি গুরুত্বপূর্ণ পদক্ষেপ। বিশ্বের সকল আলোকচিত্রীরা এবং অন্যান্য মিডিয়ার সদস্যরা তাদের গৃহীত আলোকচিত্রসমূহ অন্যান্য প্রমান প্রদর্শনীর মাধ্যমে সংখ্যালঘু জাতিদের প্রতি বৈষম্যর বিরুদ্ধে কাজ করতে পারে যখন সরকার নীরব থাকে।

    Photo credits: Saiful Huq Omi

    Saima Sultana Jaba, Dhaka Community Manager

    Nearly all cities deal with the issue of incorporating ethnic minorities, but not many are forced to deal with a human rights violation as dramatic as the treatment of the Rohingya community in Bangladesh. The Rohingya are a Muslim ethnic minority from the northern Arkan state of western Myanmar. In 1978, they were denied their citizenship by the Myanmar state, and in recent decades they have faced religious discrimination and widespread human rights violations. Many Rohingya fled into neighboring Bangladesh for safety, until the Bangladesh government closed its borders in 2012. At present, nearly 29,000 Rohingya refugees reside in two camps in south-eastern Bangladesh, and the government has estimated that another 200,000 unregistered refugees live in villages outside of these camps. The high rates of poverty, illiteracy, and unemployment in this district have contributed to a growing Bangladeshi hostility towards the refugees, and the Bangladesh government has argued that humanitarian aid organizations only create a ‘pull factor’ for more Rohingya to enter Bangladesh.

    In the face of such government antagonism toward the Rohingya refugees, some creative awareness-raising initiatives have recently emerged. Photography, in particular, has been marshalled to create wide-reaching campaigns aimed at showing citizens in Dhaka, throughout Bangladesh, and in other regions of the world just who the Rohingya are and what can be done to promote their rights.

    As the hub of nearly all political, economic, and media outlets of Bangladesh, Dhaka is a powerful place to portray human rights violations to the international community. Documentary photographer Saiful Huq Omi works out of Dhaka and began to focus on the Rohingya issue in 2009. Rather than describing himself as a photographer, Omi explains that he is an activist. To this end, he has toured with a photography campaign entitled, “The Disowned and the Denied: Stateless Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh.” Omi uses his photos from Bangladesh refugee camps to capture the stories of people who have been deemed ‘voiceless’, and to share these stories. This fall, for instance, he gave a talk to university students from fourteen different countries at the Asian University for Women in Bangladesh, in which he used his photographs to describe the plight of the Rohingya and the importance of international campaigns to support their need for statehood.

    Omi’s work shows how, especially for a human rights issue as extreme and unacknowledged as that of the Rohingyas, urban-based, creative awareness campaigns can be vital for emphasizing urgency and fostering change. Such campaigns have not yet given the Rohingya issue in Bangladesh sufficient political attention to hold the government accountable for its actions or to force needed collaboration between NGOs in the national and international sectors. Yet creative efforts to raise awareness and put a personalized face on an issue that is obscure to many citizens are a crucial first step to addressing such complicated human rights violations. Like photographers and members of the media in Dhaka, artists in other cities around the world can play a powerful role in initiating change by speaking out and providing visual material to document abuse towards minorities when the government is silent.

    Photo credits: Saiful Huq Omi

    Carlin Carr, Mumbai Community Manager

    At a recent sanitation roundtable discussion at the Observer Research Foundation (ORF), a public policy think tank in Mumbai, Chairman Sudheendra Kulkarni said that Mahatma Gandhi believed sanitation was more important than political independence. In 2010, the UN declared access to sanitation a human right. Despite the increased emphasis, says Dhaval Desai, a senior researcher at ORF, the two are rarely linked. “If one agrees that there is a connect between lack of access to clean and hygienic sanitation and global statistics on poverty, malnutrition, infant mortality, maternal health, diseases, education, and gender, then it is impossible to deny sanitation as an intrinsic human rights issue.” Desai, who specializes in water and sanitation issues, discussed with us the importance of this human rights issue and some promising ways forward.

    What is the current situation in Mumbai?

    The current situation in Mumbai is as bad as it is in the rest of India. Media reports quoting Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai (MCGM) data have shown recently that Mumbai has a provision of 10,381 public toilet facilities for its total population of nearly 13 million. Thus, against the WHO norms of availability of one toilet seat per 50 people, Mumbai has one toilet seat per 1,200 people. The situation is worse when you look at availability of public conveniences for women. Only 3,181 toilet seats of the total are for women, giving a ratio of one toilet seat per 1,800 women.

    Can you paint us a picture of what a typical slum dweller deals with each day in this regard?

    The situation is not as bad for men as it is for women and young girls. With a poor ratio of toilet seats to population, it is common to find long queues of men and women — with dabbas (water cans) in their hands, since many toilets do not have any running water — outside community toilet blocks, waiting for their turn. Many have to walk long distances from their homes to reach the toilet block.

    But this is only in slums where the toilets are maintained well and are usable. The condition of many community toilets is so pathetic that they are simply unusable. It is in such slums where open defecation is actually the preferred option. But this is also where the women and young girls become most vulnerable and are forced to venture out for their daily ablutions, looking for secluded spots in the neighbourhood under the cover of darkness. For the children, on the other hand, defecating in the open is an extremely common phenomenon, just a ‘way of life’.

    You recently held a roundtable discussion on sanitation at ORF Mumbai and came to a consensus that every home should have a toilet rather than community toilets. Why this is the best option and is it feasible?

    Access to toilets inside slum homes is the best and possibly the easiest and most scalable of options. There are examples of slum pockets across Mumbai where toilets do exist inside homes, and each of these slums tells an inspiring story of how toilets have actually brought about a silent social revolution in the lives of the residents. All of these toilets are as well-maintained as one can find in any good corporate office or an affluent home. The only difference is that these toilets and bathrooms do not have ‘designer’ fittings and toiletries.

    Slum improvement programs undertaken by organizations like Shelter Associates, a Pune-based NGO, on behalf of the State Government in the towns of Sangli and Miraj have also focused on provision of toilets inside homes as being the easiest and most feasible option.

    Could you tell us about one or two interesting sanitation initiatives in Mumbai?

    The Tulshetpada slum in Bhandup, a northern suburb of Mumbai, has witnessed a silent social revolution thanks to provision of toilets inside homes, by far the most striking sanitation initiative in the city. The other amazing success story is of the community toilet run by a community-based organization called Triratna Prerana Mandal (TPM) in the western Mumbai suburb of Santacruz. TPM took over the management of the toilet in 2001 under the MCGM’s Slum Sanitation Program, but has taken this work to high levels of social transformation. They run a self-help group for women, offer vocational training to the youth of the slum, run computer training classes on the terrace of the toilet, which also has a community kitchen preparing midday meals for 3,000 school children. The toilet gets all its water from a rainwater harvesting system and is powered 100 percent by solar energy. TPM’s community toilet is a glorious example of a toilet’s power of transformation. If only Mumbai can have hundreds more Tulshetpadas and TPMs.

    Photo credit: CDC Foundation

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    Individuals, organizations, and governments around the world are developing creative ways to promote and uphold the 30 articles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In recognition of Human Rights Day on December 10th, this conversation highlights solutions to issues ranging from discrimination against refugees to lack of access to sanitation. These solutions — which include online monitoring systems, a thriller feature film, in-home toilets, and activist photography — raise awareness and provide much-needed services for vulnerable communities. Read on to find out more about these initiatives from Nairobi, Jakarta, Dhaka, and Mumbai, and then share your thoughts in the discussion below.

    Katy Fentress, Nairobi Community Manager

    The September 2013 Westgate crisis was the most recent in a slew of attacks that have rocked Kenya since it began military operations in Somalia two years ago.

    The blame for this and previous attacks has generally been pinned on the Islamist group Al Shabaab, who claim to be retaliating against what for them is an unjust invasion and occupation of their country.

    While Eastleigh, a neighborhood in the east of Nairobi that houses most of the city’s Somali immigrants, has borne the brunt of most of these attacks, residents have also experienced a rise in hostility from local Kenyans and harassment at the hands of the police.

    Somalis in Nairobi live as urban refugees escaping from harsh realities back home. In their daily lives they invariably are affected to some degree by three overwhelming challenges. These, according to Kenyan-based film producer Vincenzo Cavallo, are discrimination, corruption, and terrorism.

    In an attempt to address these three symbiotic challenges, a movie is currently being produced by Cultural Video Foundation (CVF), a Nairobi-based film production company that is run by Cavallo and fellow-filmmaker Alessandra Argenti, with the support of an Italian NGO called the International Committee for the Development of Peoples (CISP) and funding from the European Union.

    The aim of the film, named Wazi FM, is to speak out about discrimination against Somali refugees at the hands of police and the connection between this and the rise in terrorist attacks. The film also attempts to send a message on the topic of corruption, as it highlights how it is this widespread practice that allows terrorists to cross the border into the Kenya in the first place.

    In Cavallo’s view, in order to prevent future terrorist attacks in Kenya and Somalia, it is essential to find a way for refugee communities and the police to work together on reporting suspicious activities and building trust where at the moment there is none.

    With Wazi FM, CVF has attempted to create a Kenyan Somali thriller. Filmed entirely in one location, the film is, according to Cavallo, a surreal take on the genre and one that aims to compete with commercial productions by providing the public with a breathtaking and compelling story.

    The aim of the production is to speak to both Kenyans and Somalis about how it is corruption and not immigration that is the main cause of insecurity in the country. Allowing Kenyan authorities to keep on with the extortion, harassment, and targeting of Somalis residents only serves to increasingly marginalize them and to create fertile territory where would-be terrorists and attackers can operate.

    Wazi FM was initially conceived as a twelve-episode TV series. Unfortunately, due to budgetary constraints, this was later cut down to a one-off feature film. CVF remains optimistic that they will succeed in broadening the reach of the show and that at some point it will be picked up by a local television channel brave enough to broadcast such a controversial message, or by an international distributor that is keen on covering sensitive topics of this kind.

    Countries like Kenya that have signed the United Nations International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights are required to uphold the rights of all people to liberty and security of person. They are also expected to guarantee non-discriminatory minority rights and equality before the law. It is thus imperative that the issue of corruption be adequately addressed both from the bottom up and through institutional processes, in order to guarantee that Kenyan citizens of Somali origin, and Somalis who are living in Kenya, are not subjected to discrimination on the part of those who are tasked with upholding their rights.

    Photo credit: Lorenzo Misselari

    Widya Anggraini, Jakarta Community Manager

    Undang-undang Dasar 1945 Indonesia secara resmi menjamin kebebasan memilih dan mempraktekkan agama dan kepercayaan tiap-tiap penduduk. Namun demikian pemerintah secara resmi mengakui hanya enam agama yaitu Islam, katolik, protestan, buddha, hindu dan konghuchu. akibatnya banyak terjadi kasus kekerasan terhadap minoritas penganut agama dan kepercayaan. Munculnya kelompok-kelompok militan islam misalnya, kerap melakukan intimidasi dan menyerang rumah-rumah ibadah serta anggota-anggota minoritas agama. Human Rights Watch yang sudah melakukan riset di 10 provinsi dan mewawancarai lebih dari 115 orang dari berbagai kepercayaan, menyatakan bahwa 71 diantara mereka adalah korban kekerasan dan pelanggaran. Begitu juga survey dari LSI yang menyatakan bahwa sejak kepemimpinan SBY tahun jumlah kekerasan diskriminasi meningkat dengan rata-rata 150 kasus pertahun dan 65 persen diantaranya adalah kekerasan agama.Dalam rangka menjaga keharmonisan dan keselarasan kehidupan beragama di Indonesia maka telah dikembangkan perangkat lunak yang dapat memonitor berbagai tindak kekerasan atas nama agama dan isu-isu pluralisme. Perangkat ini telah dikembangkan oleh dua institute di Jakarta, The Wahid Institute dan Setara Institute.

    The Wahid Institute (WI) berdiri tahun 2004 yang dibentuk sebagai upaya menyebarkan pemikiran islam moderat mantan presiden RI K.H Abdurrahman Wahid dalam mendorong terciptanya demokrasi, multikulturalisme dan toleransi baik di Indonesia maupun di dunia. Beberapa program yang menjadi wilayah kerja WI adalah advokasi kebijakan publik dan minoritas; kampanye islam demokrasi dan pluralisme; pemberdayaan akar rumput; serta monitoring isu keagamaan. Dalam hal monitoring isu keagaan ini WI telah mengembangkan pernangkat lunak untuk memantau isu-isu kekerasan dan konflik atas nama agama bernama Pemantauan Kebebasan Beragama dan Berkeyakinan. Kategori yang terangkum dalam perangkat tersebut termasuk diantaranya intoleransi dan diskriminasi atas dasar agama; kemajuan jaminan perlindungan kebebasan beragama/berkeyakinan serta pelanggaran kebebasan beragama/berkeyakinan. Jadi pada dasarnya perangkat ini bukan hanya melaporkan tindak kekerasan dan pelanggaran dalam beragama namun juga mencatat inisiatif-inisiatif masyarakat yang berupaya melindungi kebebasan masyarakat dalam beragama dan berkeyakinan.

    Perangkat serupa juga dikembangkan oleh Setara Institute yang mendesain Case Tracking System (CTS) untuk memantau pelanggaran kebebasan beragama/berkeyakinan di Indonesia. CTS merupakan bagian dari upaya Setara Institute untuk medorong terciptanya kondisi politik yang terbuka berdasar penghormatan atas keberagaman, pembelaan hak-hak manusia dan penghapusan sikap intoleran. Dalam form pelaporan CTS ini disebutkan kontak data pelapor, nama peristiwa, waktu dan tempat kejadian, korban, kerugian, pelaku baik negara maupun non-negara. Semua laporan masyarakat akan dikompilasi dan diolah menjadi data yang bisa diakses umum. Setiap tahun Setara Institute akan melakukan update berbagai bentuk dan jumlah tindakan pelanggaran, sebaran waktunya, grafik korban dan pelaku pelanggaran, serta jenis undang-undang yang dilanggar. Lebih jauh lagi, informasi dari CTS tersebut akan digunakan sebagai bahan laporan tentang kebebasan beragama (Report on Freedom of Religion and Belief) yang dikeluarkan setiap tahunnya serta sebagai materi penyusunan indeks kinerja penegakan HAM (Human Rights Enforcement Performance Index).

    Secara keseluruhan kedua perangkat yang diciptakan WI dan Setara Institute diharapkan akan memberikan gambaran tingkat toleransi masyarakat terhadap kebebasan beragama dan berkeyakinan serta menjadi alat advokasi bagi pemerintah untuk mengeluarkan kebijakan yang melindungi kelompok agama minoritas.

    Foto: Muslim Academy

    Widya Anggraini, Jakarta Community Manager

    Since 1945, Indonesia’s constitution formally guarantees the freedom of each citizen to choose and practice their own religion and beliefs. However, the government only officially recognizes six religions: Islam, Catholicism, Protestantism, Buddhism, Hinduism, and Confucianism – consequently giving rise to cases of violence against minority religions and faiths. The emergence of militant Islamic groups, for example, has often been responsible for intimidation and attacks of places of worship as well as members of religious minorities. The Human Rights Watch, which did research in ten provinces and interviewed over 115 people from different faith, stated that 71 of those interviewed were victims of violence and abuse. Another survey from LSI stated that since the current president’s election in 2004, violent discrimination has seen an increase of an average of 150 cases per year, with 65 percent of such cases being those of religious violence. In an effort to maintain the peace and harmonization of religious lives in Indonesia, two software initiatives have been developed to monitor various acts of violence related to religion and pluralistic issues – one by the Wahid Institute and the other by the Setara Institute.

    The Wahid Institute (WI) was founded in 2004 to spread the moderate Islamic beliefs of former Indonesian president Abdurahman Wahid, who believed in fostering democracy, multiculturalism, and tolerance in Indonesia and the world. Several programs undertaken by the WI include advocating public policy and minorities, campaigning Islamic democracy and pluralism, grassroots empowerment, as well as monitoring religious issues. In regards to the latter, WI has developed the “Monitoring the Freedom of Religion and Beliefs” software to monitor acts of religious violence and conflict. The categories contained within the software include intolerance and discrimination based on religion, promoting the guarantee of protection offered to religions/ beliefs, as well as the violation of freedoms of religions/beliefs. In sum, this device does not only report acts of religious violence, but also notes community initiatives that seek to protect the freedoms of the public to practice their religions and beliefs.

    A similar device, named the Case Tracking System (CTS), was developed by the Setara Institute to monitor violations of religious freedoms. The CTS is part of the efforts of the institute to endorse the creation of open political conditions based on respect for diversity, the defense of human rights, and the elimination of intolerant attitudes. The CTS report form contains contact details, the name of the event, the time and place of the incidents, the victims, the losses incurred, and both the positive and negative contributors to the incidents. All community reports are compiled and processed into data that can be accessed by the public. Every year, the Setara Institute will update the numbers and various types of violations, the distribution of time in between each, the graphs depicting offenders and victims, and the types of laws that were violated. Furthermore, information derived from the CTS will be used as material for reports on religious freedom (Report on Freedom of Religion and Belief) that will be issued each year, as well as for the preparation of the HAM index (Human Rights Enforcement Performance Index).

    All in all, both devices developed by the WI and the Setara Institute are expected to serve as both an overview of the level of community tolerance towards religious freedom, and as an advocacy tool for the government to issue laws and policies that will protect members of religious minorities.

    Photo: Muslim Academy

    লেখকঃ সায়মা সুলতানা জবা, অনুবাদকঃ ফারজানা নওশিন

    সব শহরকেই সংখ্যালঘু জাতিদের নিয়ে বিভিন্ন সমস্যার (যেমনঃ সংখ্যালঘুদের অসহযোগীতা) মোকাবেলা করতে হয়, কিন্তু সবাইকে মানবাধিকার লঙ্ঘন সংক্রান্ত সমস্যা এরকম নাটকীয় ভাবে সমাধান করতে বাধ্য হতে হয় না যেমন ভাবে বাংলাদেশ সরকারকে রোহিঙ্গা সম্প্রদায়ের সমস্যা মোকাবেলা করা হচ্ছে। রোহিঙ্গা সম্প্রদায় পশ্চিম মায়ানমারের উত্তর আরকান প্রদেশের সংখ্যালঘু মুসলিম জাতি। ১৯৭৮ সালে মায়ানমার সরকার থেকে তাদের নাগরিকত্ব অস্বীকার করা হয়েছে এবং গত দশ বছরে তারা বিভিন্ন ভাবে ধর্মীয় বৈষম্য এবং মানবাধিকার লঙ্ঘনের শিকার হয়েছে। ২০১২ সালে মায়ানমার বাংলাদেশ বর্ডার বন্ধ করে দেয়ার আগে অনেক রোহিঙ্গা তাদের প্রতিবেশী দেশ বাংলাদেশে নিরাপদ আশ্রয়ের জন্য চলে এসেছে। বর্তমানে প্রায় ২৯০০০ রোহিঙ্গা দক্ষিণ-পূর্ব বাংলাদেশে দুটি ক্যাম্পে রক্ষিত এবং অনুমিত প্রায় ২০০০০০ অনিবন্ধিত রোহিঙ্গা ক্যাম্পের আশেপাশে বিভিন্ন গ্রামে বাস করছে। এই এলাকার উচ্চ দারিদ্র, নিরক্ষরতা এবং কর্মহীনতার হার উদ্বাস্তুদের প্রতি বাংলাদেশীদের একটি বর্ধনশীল শত্রুতা তৈরি করছে। বাংলাদেশ সরকারের মতে মানবাধিকার রক্ষা সংস্থাগুলো শুধু আরো রোহিঙ্গাদের বাংলাদেশে আসার সুযোগ তৈরি করে দিচ্ছে।

    রোহিঙ্গা উদ্বাস্তুদের প্রতি ঢাকাভিত্তিক সরকারি প্রতিদ্বন্দ্বিতার মুখে কিছু সৃষ্টিশীল সচেতনতামূলক পদক্ষেপ নেয়া হয়েছে। বিশেষ করে ফটোগ্রাফির মাধ্যমেএকটি বিশাল প্রচারণা শুরু হয়েছে ঢাকা, বাংলাদেশের অন্যান্য অঞ্চল এবং সারা বিশ্বের মানুষের জন্য, এটি দেখানর জন্য যে রোহিঙ্গা কারা এবং এদের অধিকার রক্ষার জন্য কি করা যেতে পারে ।

    বাংলাদেশের প্রায় সব রাজনৈতিক, অর্থনৈতিক এবং সংবাদমাধ্যমের মতে ঢাকা মানবাধিকার লঙ্ঘনের প্রতিবাদের জন্য আন্তর্জাতিক সম্প্রদায়ের কাছে একটি শক্তিশালী স্থান। প্রামানিক আলোকচিত্রী সাইফুল হক অমি ঢাকার বাইরে কাজ করেন এবং ২০০৯ সাল থেকে তিনি রোহিঙ্গা সমস্যার প্রতি মনোনিবেশ করেন। অমি নিজেকে একজন আলোকচিত্রী বলার চেয়ে সামাজিক কর্মী হিসাবে বর্ণনা করেন। এখন পর্যন্ত তিনি “বাংলাদেশে আড়ম্বরহীন রোহিঙ্গা শরণার্থী বর্জন ও অস্বীকার” নামে একটি আলকচিত্রের প্রদর্শনী করেছেন। অমি বাংলাদেশের শরণার্থী শিবিরের এই সকল ছবি ব্যবহার করেন উদবাস্তু মানুষের জীবনের কাহিনী তুলে ধরার জন্য যারা নিজেরা নিজেদের কষ্টের কথা বলতে পারে না। উদাহরণস্বরূপ, সাম্প্রতিককালে তিনি এশিয়ান ইউনিভার্সিটি ফর উইমেন-এ (যেখানে ১৪ টি দেশের মেয়েরা পড়াশোনা করছে) তার রোহিঙ্গা শিবিরের আলোকচিত্রগুলো দেখান এবং বর্ণনা করেন যে কেন রোহিঙ্গা শরণার্থীদের সাহায্য করা গুরুত্বপূর্ণ এবং কেন এখানে আন্তর্জাতিক সাহায্য প্রয়োজন।

    অমির কাজ দেখায় যে রোহিঙ্গাদের মানবাধিকার রক্ষা একটি চরম অস্বীকৃত সমস্যা এবং শহর কেন্দ্রিক এই প্রচারণা প্রমান করে যে এটির দ্রুত সমাধান জরুরি, যদিও এই প্রচারণা এখনো সরকারের সিদ্ধান্তের বিরধিতা করতে রোহিঙ্গাদের উপর উপযুক্ত রাজনৈতিক মনোযোগ আকর্ষণ করতে পারে নি। তারপরও সৃজনশীল উপায়ে রোহিঙ্গা সমস্যার সমাধানের চেষ্টা, যা অনেক নাগরিকদের দৃষ্টি আকর্ষণ করে, একটি গুরুত্বপূর্ণ পদক্ষেপ। বিশ্বের সকল আলোকচিত্রীরা এবং অন্যান্য মিডিয়ার সদস্যরা তাদের গৃহীত আলোকচিত্রসমূহ অন্যান্য প্রমান প্রদর্শনীর মাধ্যমে সংখ্যালঘু জাতিদের প্রতি বৈষম্যর বিরুদ্ধে কাজ করতে পারে যখন সরকার নীরব থাকে।

    Photo credits: Saiful Huq Omi

    Saima Sultana Jaba, Dhaka Community Manager

    Nearly all cities deal with the issue of incorporating ethnic minorities, but not many are forced to deal with a human rights violation as dramatic as the treatment of the Rohingya community in Bangladesh. The Rohingya are a Muslim ethnic minority from the northern Arkan state of western Myanmar. In 1978, they were denied their citizenship by the Myanmar state, and in recent decades they have faced religious discrimination and widespread human rights violations. Many Rohingya fled into neighboring Bangladesh for safety, until the Bangladesh government closed its borders in 2012. At present, nearly 29,000 Rohingya refugees reside in two camps in south-eastern Bangladesh, and the government has estimated that another 200,000 unregistered refugees live in villages outside of these camps. The high rates of poverty, illiteracy, and unemployment in this district have contributed to a growing Bangladeshi hostility towards the refugees, and the Bangladesh government has argued that humanitarian aid organizations only create a ‘pull factor’ for more Rohingya to enter Bangladesh.

    In the face of such government antagonism toward the Rohingya refugees, some creative awareness-raising initiatives have recently emerged. Photography, in particular, has been marshalled to create wide-reaching campaigns aimed at showing citizens in Dhaka, throughout Bangladesh, and in other regions of the world just who the Rohingya are and what can be done to promote their rights.

    As the hub of nearly all political, economic, and media outlets of Bangladesh, Dhaka is a powerful place to portray human rights violations to the international community. Documentary photographer Saiful Huq Omi works out of Dhaka and began to focus on the Rohingya issue in 2009. Rather than describing himself as a photographer, Omi explains that he is an activist. To this end, he has toured with a photography campaign entitled, “The Disowned and the Denied: Stateless Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh.” Omi uses his photos from Bangladesh refugee camps to capture the stories of people who have been deemed ‘voiceless’, and to share these stories. This fall, for instance, he gave a talk to university students from fourteen different countries at the Asian University for Women in Bangladesh, in which he used his photographs to describe the plight of the Rohingya and the importance of international campaigns to support their need for statehood.

    Omi’s work shows how, especially for a human rights issue as extreme and unacknowledged as that of the Rohingyas, urban-based, creative awareness campaigns can be vital for emphasizing urgency and fostering change. Such campaigns have not yet given the Rohingya issue in Bangladesh sufficient political attention to hold the government accountable for its actions or to force needed collaboration between NGOs in the national and international sectors. Yet creative efforts to raise awareness and put a personalized face on an issue that is obscure to many citizens are a crucial first step to addressing such complicated human rights violations. Like photographers and members of the media in Dhaka, artists in other cities around the world can play a powerful role in initiating change by speaking out and providing visual material to document abuse towards minorities when the government is silent.

    Photo credits: Saiful Huq Omi

    Carlin Carr, Mumbai Community Manager

    At a recent sanitation roundtable discussion at the Observer Research Foundation (ORF), a public policy think tank in Mumbai, Chairman Sudheendra Kulkarni said that Mahatma Gandhi believed sanitation was more important than political independence. In 2010, the UN declared access to sanitation a human right. Despite the increased emphasis, says Dhaval Desai, a senior researcher at ORF, the two are rarely linked. “If one agrees that there is a connect between lack of access to clean and hygienic sanitation and global statistics on poverty, malnutrition, infant mortality, maternal health, diseases, education, and gender, then it is impossible to deny sanitation as an intrinsic human rights issue.” Desai, who specializes in water and sanitation issues, discussed with us the importance of this human rights issue and some promising ways forward.

    What is the current situation in Mumbai?

    The current situation in Mumbai is as bad as it is in the rest of India. Media reports quoting Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai (MCGM) data have shown recently that Mumbai has a provision of 10,381 public toilet facilities for its total population of nearly 13 million. Thus, against the WHO norms of availability of one toilet seat per 50 people, Mumbai has one toilet seat per 1,200 people. The situation is worse when you look at availability of public conveniences for women. Only 3,181 toilet seats of the total are for women, giving a ratio of one toilet seat per 1,800 women.

    Can you paint us a picture of what a typical slum dweller deals with each day in this regard?

    The situation is not as bad for men as it is for women and young girls. With a poor ratio of toilet seats to population, it is common to find long queues of men and women — with dabbas (water cans) in their hands, since many toilets do not have any running water — outside community toilet blocks, waiting for their turn. Many have to walk long distances from their homes to reach the toilet block.

    But this is only in slums where the toilets are maintained well and are usable. The condition of many community toilets is so pathetic that they are simply unusable. It is in such slums where open defecation is actually the preferred option. But this is also where the women and young girls become most vulnerable and are forced to venture out for their daily ablutions, looking for secluded spots in the neighbourhood under the cover of darkness. For the children, on the other hand, defecating in the open is an extremely common phenomenon, just a ‘way of life’.

    You recently held a roundtable discussion on sanitation at ORF Mumbai and came to a consensus that every home should have a toilet rather than community toilets. Why this is the best option and is it feasible?

    Access to toilets inside slum homes is the best and possibly the easiest and most scalable of options. There are examples of slum pockets across Mumbai where toilets do exist inside homes, and each of these slums tells an inspiring story of how toilets have actually brought about a silent social revolution in the lives of the residents. All of these toilets are as well-maintained as one can find in any good corporate office or an affluent home. The only difference is that these toilets and bathrooms do not have ‘designer’ fittings and toiletries.

    Slum improvement programs undertaken by organizations like Shelter Associates, a Pune-based NGO, on behalf of the State Government in the towns of Sangli and Miraj have also focused on provision of toilets inside homes as being the easiest and most feasible option.

    Could you tell us about one or two interesting sanitation initiatives in Mumbai?

    The Tulshetpada slum in Bhandup, a northern suburb of Mumbai, has witnessed a silent social revolution thanks to provision of toilets inside homes, by far the most striking sanitation initiative in the city. The other amazing success story is of the community toilet run by a community-based organization called Triratna Prerana Mandal (TPM) in the western Mumbai suburb of Santacruz. TPM took over the management of the toilet in 2001 under the MCGM’s Slum Sanitation Program, but has taken this work to high levels of social transformation. They run a self-help group for women, offer vocational training to the youth of the slum, run computer training classes on the terrace of the toilet, which also has a community kitchen preparing midday meals for 3,000 school children. The toilet gets all its water from a rainwater harvesting system and is powered 100 percent by solar energy. TPM’s community toilet is a glorious example of a toilet’s power of transformation. If only Mumbai can have hundreds more Tulshetpadas and TPMs.

    Photo credit: CDC Foundation

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    Linking informal settlements and poor neighborhoods to the dynamic city center is crucial in urban areas across the world. Only by having access to the opportunities of the formal city can the urban poor pull themselves out of poverty. The following accounts from Nairobi, Mumbai, Jakarta, Rio de Janeiro, and Mexico City present examples of solutions, including transportation projects, employment initiatives, and the peaceful relocation of street vendors. Read on to learn more, and then join the discussion below.

    Katy Fentress, Nairobi Community Manager

    Slums are mostly viewed from the outside as alienated environments in which people languish in abject poverty, barely managing to scrape by.

    Although there has been some progress toward debunking the stereotype of slum dwellers as lazy, criminal, and somewhat ignorant, there is still an overall perception that people who live in informal settlements are different, not like the rest of society and hence not quite able to get ahead in life.

    Over the past year, the Nairobi URB.im bureau has attempted to challenge the dominant discourse, preferring instead to present a more nuanced portrait of slum dwellers – a label that in itself evokes a homogenous image of the people it describes. Articles documenting tales of enlightened youth, inspired artists, political activists, promising children and no-nonsense Grannies, have been juxtaposed to the more harsh realities that undoubtedly many urban poor inhabit.

    As part of this endeavour to present a more balanced and objective picture, the reality of employment and income-generating activities must also be scrutinised, in order to differentiate the different ways in which slum dwellers live their lives.

    When we consider how people make a living in Nairobi slums, the words casual labour, informal sector activity, and small-level entrepreneurship spring to mind. This is by and large correct: both the Pamoja Trust Slum inventory and the Nairobi Urban Health and Demographic Surveillance System (NUHDSS) found that the majority of people were engaged in the above-mentioned income-generating activities or that they were altogether unemployed. Both papers, however, mention that in different slums, to varying extents, a small percentage of people are engaged in formal, salaried employment. The numbers vary: in some of the slums surveyed by Pamoja Trust they were as low as 2 percent, while the results of the NUHDSS Korogocho and Viwandani surveys showed that somewhere in the region of 20 percent of adult men there are formally employed.

    So how does someone living in a marginalised informal settlement succeed in securing a formal job in, for example, the city centre? Mainly in the same way that anyone else would: by getting qualified and submitting a resumé that details why they are the right candidate for the position. However, like everyone else in the world, sometimes educated and/or trained people need the help of an agency to put them in contact with prospective employers.

    “We help qualified people get jobs, no matter where they come from,” says Elly Omolo, the director of an employment agency that specialises in putting informal settlement dwellers into formal sector employment. “In order for someone to qualify for our services, they need to have a high school diploma or above, some kind of professional training, and an ability to present themselves well and communicate.”

    Omolo’s company operates in a neighbourhood called Ngara and is called Management Training and Consultant Services. About 60 percent of their clients hail from nearby informal settlements like Mathare. They do not have a website and operate mainly though word of mouth but, according to Omolo, this has not hindered business.

    The company’s modus operandi expands beyond the basic task of putting job seekers in contact with relevant employers. Omolo and his team take the time to conduct pre-interviews in which they assess what the candidates’ weaknesses are and establish their communication skills. After that, clients are brought through a mentorship program in which their resumé is fine-tuned and they are coached in interview techniques.

    “We feel it is important to mentor our clients in order to ensure they get the best possible job for themselves,” Omolo tells us. “In return we expect them to give us 50 percent of their first month’s salary,” a strong incentive for the company to place their candidates in the best employment possible.

    Slum dwellers can face stigma when it comes to applying for formal employment. Managers might hesitate to hire a security guard, receptionist or accountant that comes from a place like Mathare, widely viewed as crime-ridden and unsafe. However, good presentation goes a long way, and the work done by Omolo and other companies like his is invaluable as it provides a leg up into the formal world from which these people are so often excluded.

    In the end, adult slum dwellers need jobs, not charity. Any agency that helps connect them to the city centre and formal employment deserves to be lauded, supported, and emulated on a larger scale.

    Carlin Carr, Mumbai Community Manager

    Mumbai’s unique geography as a peninsula city has styled its expansion in ways dissimilar to other cities. Rapid population growth in other metropolises explodes outwards in multiple directions, forming suburban pockets in unpredictable bursts. In Mumbai, the only possibility is north, making the push away from the central business area more vast with continued expansion. The result for those living in the northern suburbs and on the edge of the city is a longer and longer train commute on one of only two rail lines. Yet studies have found that despite this natural growth pattern, the poor actually continue to work closer to home than their wealthier counterparts, calling into question the importance of connectivity to the traditional economic center of the city.

    Middle class families living in the suburbs may continue to commute to the southern financial district for white collar jobs, while studies show that the poor find work closer to home. These jobs include domestic help — drivers, maids, and cooks — hawkers, vegetable vendors, shoe polishers, and other micro-businesses. “Regardless of where they live, the poor, on average, commute shorter distances than the non-poor, implying that they work closer to home than non-poor households. The fact that the poor work closer to home than the non-poor could be due to commuting costs: rail and bus fares are a higher percent of income for the poor than the non-poor,” says a World Bank study on transport and poverty in Mumbai. The study also reveals that over 60 percent of the poor walk to work.

    Nowhere are these facts better substantiated than in Dharavi. The one-square-kilometer filled-in marshland that is now home to one of Asia’s largest slums houses more than 600,000 people. The small but densely populated area is conveniently settled 15 kilometers north of Churchgate Station, the first stop on the Western Railway near the economic hub, and the only two rail lines in the city both pass through Dharavi at Sion Station. Well-connected and not too far north, Dharavi is a prime piece of real estate and a convenient commuting destination. However, 80 percent of Dharavi residents live and work in the slum itself, opting for opportunities closer to home. Essentially all the trips that take place within Dharavi — for work, shopping, or visiting — occur by foot.

    Dharavi’s international reputation has grown around the unique situation that has developed there — it is both an economic and residential center for the poor. The dynamic informal economy is home to thousands of small-scale businesses that the Economist estimated to be at about 15,000. “Indeed, it is for its industry, not its size, that Dharavi is most distinctive. The clothes, pots, toys and recycled materials its residents produce earn them millions of dollars in annual exports alone,” says the article. A study by the SPARC (Society for the Promotion of Area Resource Centres) estimates that Dharavi has 4,902 production facilities, with 1,036 in textiles, 932 in pottery, 567 in leather, 722 in recycling and scrap metal, 498 in embroidery, and 152 in food. There are also 111 restaurants and several thousand boutiques there.

    While Dharavi is unique among slums for its massive economic output, the aforementioned World Bank study confirms that connectivity to the city’s traditional center — the southern tip — may be less important to the poor than better walking conditions and increased local transport. Given that the commute distance with the highest frequency is only 1-2 km, and more than 50 percent of poor workers are commuting less than 2 km, the planning implications here should be focused on initiatives like Mumbai’s Walking Project, or a bike share initiative, such as Cycle Chalao, which piloted a project in Mumbai in 2011, but has since been chosen by the Pune Municipal Corporation to start a program there. The Walking Project was launched last year by five local activists who aim to make Mumbai the most walkable city in India in the next decade. They’ve started walking audits in target areas of the city to assess the situation; next steps include holding training programs to teach people how to conduct audits in their own neighborhoods and to lobby local corporators to take action. “Walking is the simplest issue under the sun, it has no warring parties where somebody is pro-walking or anti-walking. There are issues of course like hawkers, cars, etc. but it’s still not so difficult to solve, the budgetary requirement doesn’t run into thousands of crores,” says Rishi Aggarwal, one of the founders, in the Mumbai Boss. These are programs that are being overshadowed by large-scale, car-centric transport planning in Mumbai. Yet these simpler and more “doable” initiatives would likely have a greater impact on a majority of the population, promoting environmentally sensitive and healthier transport options, and not just for the poor.

    Yuyun Harmono, Jakarta Community Manager

    Under Jokowi-Basuki’s leadership, one of the Jakarta government’s main priorities has been the city’s street vendors. In order to make space for this informal economy, the government has created special areas for street vendors, and has upgraded existing traditional markets. The relocation of street vendors is no longer done by force, but through dialogue, as seen through the successful peaceful relocation of street vendors in Solo, Central Java, where Jokowi previously served as Mayor.

    Jakarta, seperti kota-kota besar lainnya di Indonesia, dalam perkembangannya mengalami masalah dengan kondisi dualistik. Selain berdiri bangunan-bangunan megah dan moderen, juga berkembang pesat kegiatan Pedagang Kaki Lima (PKL) yang beragam jenisnya. Jakarta, dengan tingginya konsumsi masyarakat urban, menjadi magnet bagi PKL untuk mengadu nasib.

    Sektor informal sebenarnya banyak manfaatnya bagi kehidupan kota, hal ini dapat terlihat dari sebagian besar pekerja sektor formal tergantung pada dagangan dan jasa dari sektor informal. Fungsi sektor ini sebagai ujung tombak pemasaran berbagai produk sektor formal tidak dapat diabaikan dalam pertumbuhan ekonomi kota.

    Meski demikian, sering kali keberadaan dan kebutuhan ruang untuk PKL tidak pernah diperhatikan. Ruang-ruang kota yang tersedia hanya difokuskan untuk kepentingan kegiatan dan fungsi formal saja. Kondisi ini yang menyebabkan PKL menempati ruang-ruang publik untuk menjalankan usahanya.

    Berdasarkan data Dinas Koperasi UMKM dan Perdagangan Jakarta tahun 2010, jumlah Pedagang Kaki Lima (PKL) di Jakarta mencapai 92,715. Dari jumlah tersebut hanya 11,005 PKL yang menempati Lokasi Sementara (Loksem). PKL yang menempati Lokasi Binaan (Lokbin) mencapai 3,408. Sebagian besar PKL menempati ruang publik, antara lain trotoar, badan jalan dan jalur hijau, jumlahnya mencapai 78,302.

    Penataan PKL menjadi program prioritas bagi Pemerintah DKI Jakarta dibawah pimpinan JokowiBasuki. Dari 13 program prioritas Pemerintah DKI Jakarta, penataan PKL merupakan salah satunya. Penataan PKL tersebut dilakukan melalui penyediaan ruang bagi ekonomi informal atau PKL pada kawasan perkantoran dan perdagangan, Membangun mall khusus bagi PKL, Memperbaiki pasar-pasar tradisional.

    Selain itu, tak kurang dari 34 Miliar rupiah dianggarkan dalam APBD DKI Jakarta tahun 2013 untuk revitalisasi Lokbin dan Loksem. Saat ini di Jakarta ada 20 lokasi Lokbin dan 165 Loksem. Lokbin berada di lokasi yang resmi, sedangkan Loksem berada di lokasi yang ditentukan wali kota setempat. Hanya saja, Dari total 20 Lokbin, jumlah PKL yang tertampung hanya 1.515 PKL. Sedangkan dari 165 Loksem, hanya mampu menampung sebanyak 7.708 PKL. Tentu tidak semua PKL akan tertampung, sehingga dibutuhkan langkah lain, misalnya, dengan memberi ruang bagi PKL pada gedung perkantoran, pasar tradisonal dan mall. Hingga saat ini sudah ada satu mall yang bersedia menampung PKL.

    Namun, pola ruang aktivitas PKL sangat dipengaruhi oleh aktivitas sektor formal dalam menjaring konsumennya. Lokasi PKL sangat dipengaruhi oleh hubungan langsung dan tidak langsung dengan berbagai kegiatan formal dan kegiatan informal atau hubungan PKL dengan konsumennya. Lokasi Lokbin dan Loksem serta sarana dan prasarana termasuk kemudahan akses bagi konsumen wajib diperhatikan, sehingga PKL yang sudah direlokasi tidak kembali lagi ke tempat asal karena dagangan mereka tidak terlalu laku.

    Pendekatan yang digunakan untuk relokasi PKL juga tidak bisa lagi dengan paksaan, dengan berdalih melanggar ketertiban umum, melainkan dengan dialog. Pendekatan dengan dialog terbukti berhasil diterapkan ketika Jokowi menjadi Walikota Solo. Relokasi PKL di kota Solo dilakukan dengan dialog terus-menerus selama 54 kali pertemuan untuk menciptakan pemahaman apa yang dibutuhkan oleh kedua belah pihak. Hasilnya, 23 lokasi PKL ditata, termasuk pembuatan kios tetap, tenda, dan gerobak.

    Pendekatan yang sama patut diterapkan di Jakarta, untuk memanusiakan PKL sekaligus memberi ruang bagi tumbuhnya ekonomi rakyat, karena Jakarta tidak hanya milik mereka yang berdasi, Jakarta juga milik Pedagang Kaki Lima.

    Catalina Gomez, Rio de Janeiro Community Manager

    Neste mapa do Rio de Janeiro, os bairros de baixa renda estão identificados em laranja, facilitando nossa compreensão sobre sua localização. Aquele mapa também nos permite aprender que estes bairros não estão localizados numa única área, mais que eles estão distribuídos pela cidade toda, desde o centro até a periferia, com concentrações na zona norte e oeste. Segundo o último censo nos sabemos que aqueles “pontos laranja” são residência de 20 por cento da população da cidade ou 1,2 milhões de pessoas.

    Devido ao desenvolvimento urbano e à dinâmica própria da cidade, a maior parte dos bairros de baixa renda está relativamente perto de varias “centralidades”, que são áreas residenciais ou comerciais que atraem atividade económica. Aquilo que estes bairros precisam não é só receber melhoras nas condições de vida dentro das comunidades, mais a melhoria das conexões com as “centralidades” para melhorar o aceso a emprego, serviços sociais e outros.

    Parte da solução a necessidade de integrar os bairros de baixa renda com a “cidade formal” é melhorando o transporte e a mobilidade destas áreas. Em resposta, a Prefeitura promove a construção de meios alternativos de transporte como teleféricos e elevadores públicos nas comunidades com difícil acesso, sejam por que são muito extensas como o Complexo do Alemão, ou pela sua localização nos altos morros como Cantagalo. A cidade também está promovendo a integração e expansão do sistema público de transporte para oferecer a seus moradores, especialmente aqueles de baixa renda, mecanismos eficientes, confortáveis e econômicos de transporte.

    O apoio dos moradores de bairros carentes na capacitação e procura de emprego e a outra parte da solução. Atualmente, a cidade tem oito Centros Públicos de Emprego, Trabalho e Renda, localizados além do centro da cidade, nas áreas com maior concentração de área carentes, como Jacarepaguá e Campo Grande. Estes centros recebem diariamente pessoas interessadas em cadastrar gratuitamente seus currículos e fazem vínculos com as empresas que procuram candidatos de acordo com a necessidade e o perfil. Estes centros também providenciam assistência na procura de emprego, na preparação para uma entrevista, etc. Também oferecem cursos profissionalizantes em varias práticas. Por exemplo, no mês passado, cerca de 5.300 vagas foram oferecidas para cursos gratuitos de operador de telemarketing, pintor de obras ou de automóveis e operador de computador, entre outros. Estes cursos fazem parte do Programa Nacional de Acesso ao Ensino Técnico e ao Emprego (Pronatec), que oferece além do curso, o material didático e uma bolsa de transporte e alimentação para todos os beneficiários.

    Existem muitas outras formas de integrar os bairros de baixa renda à “cidade formal”, mais provavelmente o transporte e o aceso a emprego, são soluções chave. Parte do desafio é que estes serviços sejam de qualidade e de fácil acesso. Rio ainda tem o desafio de expandir estes serviços a mais bairros que precisam melhorar suas condições de vida e vínculos com a cidade.

    Foto 1: Pesquisa para a Secretaria Municipal de Habitação, 2011. Foto 2: Elevador de Cantagalo. Foto 3: Pronatec.

    Catalina Gomez, Rio de Janeiro Community Manager

    In this map of Rio de Janeiro, low-income neighborhoods are identified in orange, providing an easy understanding of their physical distribution. This map also shows that low-income neighborhoods are not located in a particular area of the city, but are spread out from the center to the outskirts, although with higher concentrations in the northern and western areas. The latest census shows that these “orange spots” are home to 1.2 million residents, which is equivalent to 20 percent of Rio’s population.

    Due to the growth dynamics of the city, most low-income neighborhoods are relatively close to “centralities,” which are commercial and residential areas that attract economic activity. What low-income neighborhoods desperately need is not only the improvement of their area’s living conditions, but the improvement of the connections to their respective “centralities” so that they can have better access to employment, social services, and many other facilities that the city has to offer.

    Part of the solution to this urgent need to link informal settlements to the “formal city” is improving transportation and mobility to and from these areas. In this regard, the local government is promoting the construction of alternative means of transportation, such as cable cars and public elevators, in communities that are difficult to access — either because they are very spread out, like Complexo do Alemão, or because they are located on steep terrain, like Cantagalo. The city is also promoting the expansion and integration of a network of public transportation so that Rio’s residents, especially those from low-income neighborhoods, can have affordable and comfortable access to efficient means of transportation.

    Another part of the solution is helping low-income residents develop their skills and find better jobs. The city currently has eight Centros Públicos de Emprego, Trabalho, e Renda or Public Employment, Labor, and Intermediation Centers, located not only in the city center, but also in areas with the highest concentrations of low-income neighborhoods, such as Jacarepaguá and Campo Grande. These centers register residents’ resumés in their databases and link those residents with potential employers. These centers also provide assistance with job searching, such as how to prepare a resumé, or how to get ready for an interview. In addition, these centers offer courses in various employable skills. For example, last March about 5,300 people attended a free four-month course on telemarketing, computer operation, or home and car painting. Such courses are part of the Programa Nacional de Acesso ao Ensino Técnico e ao Emprego or National Technical Education and Employment Program (Pronatec), which in addition to free tuition for all beneficiaries, also offers free learning materials and a daily stipend for food and transportation.

    There are many other ways of linking informal settlements to the “formal city,” but offering better transportation and access to jobs are two key solutions. Importantly, the services offered must be of good quality and easily accessible. Rio has the challenge of continuing to expand these services to more low-income neighborhoods that need greater links to the formal city.

    Photo 1: Pesquisa para a Secretaria Municipal de Habitação, 2011. Photo 2: Elevador de Cantagalo. Photo 3: Pronatec.

    María Fernanda Carvallo, Mexico City Community Manager

    El rápido crecimiento en las urbes ha tenido como consecuencia a la reproducción de espacios de diferenciación social, es decir áreas marginadas alejadas de zonas con mejor condición socioeconómica y con mayor acceso a infraestructura social; dando como consecuencia cinturones de pobreza en las periferias de las urbes. En este sentido, actores en la esfera internacional promueven el bienestar de las personas que viven en estas condiciones para vincularlas con las oportunidades de las áreas con mayor prosperidad. La declaración de la Cumbre de Estambul de 1996, propuso la realización de Agendas Hábitat para establecer planes de acción que brindaran soluciones a los rezagos sociales, entre ellas “vivienda adecuada para todos” y “desarrollo de asentamientos humanos sostenibles en un mundo en proceso de urbanización”.

    Cifras nacionales del CONEVAL afirman que para el año 2008 4.8 millones de personas vivían en pobreza multidimensional en México extrema en las zonas urbanas, es decir, presentaban en promedio 3.7 carencias sociales a la vez, es decir, de acuerdo a CONEVAL las personas tenían falta de acceso a 3 de las siguientes oportunidades sociales: falta de acceso a educación, salud, seguridad social, calidad de la vivienda, servicios básicos en la vivienda y alimentación. En este contexto, el propósito principal del Programa Hábitat es contribuir a la superación de la pobreza y al mejoramiento de la calidad de vida de los habitantes de zonas urbanas marginadas, por medio del fortalecimiento y mejora de la organización y participación social, así como del entorno urbano de dichos asentamientos. En este sentido, se vinculan las áreas marginadas con oportunidades de desarrollo social para la población vulnerable. La población sujeta a este programa reside en zonas que presentan alta concentración de hogares en situaciones de pobreza patrimonial, es decir insuficiencia del ingreso disponible para adquirir la canasta alimentaria, así como realizar los gastos necesarios en salud, vestido, vivienda, transporte y educación, y que presentan además déficit de infraestructura, equipamiento y servicios urbanos.

    Para su operación, se asigna en convenio con las entidades subsidios federales a través de la Secretaría de Desarrollo Social (SEDESOL); de tal manera las autoridades locales por medio de los Comités de Planeación para el Desarrollo y las autoridades municipales deciden los proyectos donde se canalizarán los recursos y los municipios ejecutan la operación. A través de la modalidad de Mejoramiento del entorno urbano de este programa, se mejora el entorno físico de las zonas urbanas marginadas por medio de la introducción de infraestructura urbana social básica, el mejoramiento del entorno ecológico, la ejecución de proyectos de prevención y mitigación de riesgos, saneamiento y distribución de agua potable.

    Aunado al apoyo para las acciones de mejora en infraestructura y equipamiento urbano, el programa promueve actividades para el desarrollo comunitario; por lo que por medio del empoderamiento y la autogestión, los habitantes de los barrios se organizan para resolver las necesidades más urgentes.

    Un ejemplo de implementación del programa dentro de la Zona Metropolitana del Valle de México (ZMVM) es el municipio de Chimalhuacán, en el cual desde el 2008 se han asignado recursos para la realización de obras de pavimentación, electrificación, drenaje e instalación de tubería para la distribución de agua potable en los barrios. Así mismo, para el 2012 se invirtieron más de 84 millones de pesos para trabajos de urbanización de obras y servicios para las comunidades más necesitadas de la localidad. En esta etapa, el mejoramiento urbano se acompañó por un componente de desarrollo comunitario a través de la implementación de jornadas y campañas de salud para brindar acceso a la población a los servicios de salud de estas comunidades. Para garantizar la adecuada inversión de los recursos, se formaron juntas de supervisión integradas por vecinos voluntarios de la zona.

    Por medio de la implementación del Programa Hábitat se rompe con la reproducción de rezagos sociales en las áreas más marginadas de la Ciudad de México, de manera que se integran estos espacios a la Ciudad al alejarlos de la exclusión social.

    María Fernanda Carvallo, Mexico City Community Manager

    The rapid growth of major cities has led to the reproduction of marginalization and poverty in increasingly unequal societies. This is emphasized by the creation of under-served areas in the outskirts of cities, where the marginalized population has been distanced from the better socioeconomic conditions and social infrastructure that the city center has to offer. International actors have therefore worked to promote the welfare of the poor living in these unequal conditions in order to link them with prosperous zones. The 1996 Istanbul Summit Declaration resulted in the Habitat Agendas, which propose a plan of action with regard to human settlement issues, including “proper housing for all” and “sustainable settlement development for humans in an urbanizing world.”

    National statistics from the CONEVAL show that in 2008, 4.8 million Mexicans were living in extreme multidimensional poverty in urban areas. They face a range of unmet social needs, including lack of access to education, health, social security, quality housing, basic housing services, and nourishment. Taking this into account, the main goal of the Programa Hábitat (Habitat Program) is to contribute to alleviating poverty and to improving the quality of life in marginalized urban areas in Mexico by strengthening and improving the community’s organization and increasing social participation.This is how marginalized zones are linked with social development opportunities for the vulnerable population.

    Federal subsidies for the Programa Hábitat are allocated by the government’s Ministry of Social Development, and local authorities use the Comités de Planeación para el Desarrollo (Planning Committees for Development) to decide how resources will be allocated, before the municipalities actually execute the operation. The methodology used by the program improves the urban environment: the physical environment is enhanced by the introduction of basic social urban infrastructure, the renovation of the ecological environment, sanitation, and the distribution of potable water.

    In addition to supporting urban infrastructure, Programa Hábitat promotes community development activities: empowered neighborhood residents equipped with self-management skills organize to resolve their most urgent needs.

    An example of the program’s implementation within Mexico City’s Metropolitan Zone is the municipality of Chimalhuacán. In 2008, it received funding for the development of roads, access to electricity, creation of a drainage system, and the installation of pipelines for the distribution of potable water. In 2012, more than 84 million pesos were invested in development work for the neediest communities. At this point, urban improvement was paired with a community component through the implementation of conferences and health campaigns to offer these communities access to health services. In order to guarantee the adequate investment of resources, supervisory meetings were taken on by the neighborhood’s volunteers.

    Thanks to Programa Hábita, social needs in Mexico City’s most marginalized areas are being addressed, integrating these areas into the rest of the city and keeping them from social exclusion.