Blog

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    Victoria Okoye, Lagos Community Manager

    In the area of sanitation, access to improved facilities, expanding women’s management and planning opportunities and improving women’s safety and security are inextricably linked. For example, for women working in the market, commuting between destinations or even for young girls in school, gender concerns limit their access to finding and accessing private spaces to go to the toilet.

    An October 2012 poll of 500 female residents on their sanitation and safety concerns in the slum communities of Ajegunle, Ijora Badia, Oko Agbon and Otto-Oyingbo sets the scene: two out of every five women said they lack access to sanitation facilities. They develop their own, informal solutions, relieving themselves outside, and in the open, such as behind buildings, in open drains, or off roadways.

    Over half of the women affirmed that they avoid using public toilets at certain times to avoid any perceived danger. In these spaces, like in open areas, they have to share facilities with men. The lack of privacy makes them vulnerable to public attention and physical and verbal abuse. Many may try to go at night under the cover of dark, but that brings its additional threats and dangers.

    “My neighbor or people passing will start staring at you,” said one. “And some will stare like they want to come and rape you.”

    For others, the harassment goes beyond perception to the real thing. Another respondent commented: “There is a day I went to the toilet and somebody flogged me from behind.”

    There is a strong correlation between women’s sense of safety and access to private toilets, or those available in markets: 77 percent reported feeling unsafe when using public facilities, while 19 percent reported feeling unsafe when using their own private, household facilities. The women reported feeling more safe when they were able to access a toilet in their local market or on public transport than when they had to use a shared or community toilet, or use an open space.

    When it comes to improving women’s safety in the urban space, “public services can and must be part of the solution for making their lives safer,” says Ramona Vijeyarasa of WaterAid. She points to the lack of women’s participation in planning, highlighting that women have to be included not only in the as end users, but as managers and planners who work to improve sanitation access throughout the city. The women’s experiences from Ajegunle and other low-income areas highlights that it’s not just about having access to public services, it’s about services that are planned and managed with gender considerations in mind.

    In terms of waste management, the Lagos State Waste Management Authority (LAWMA), which manages the collection and disposal of both public and household waste, incorporates one-third female representation in its administrative and technical staff, creating employment opportunities for women, as well as breaking into a male-dominated profession of urban services. Impressed with the female staff’s performance, the agency said in 2012 that it was planing to hire even more female drivers.

    On the non-governmental side, a local organization is making inroads. In 2008, two women, Jife Williams and Adeola Asabia, set up MN Environmental Services, an NGO providing sanitation and hygiene services in Lagos. According to Adeola Asabia, the NGO focuses on providing sanitation solutions in low-income areas, markets and lorry parks. Their impacts have gained notoriety for their company as well as the issue of sanitation, earning them a Cartier Women’s Initiative Award in 2009.

    Williams and Adeola say that their end goal is to provide Lagosians with modern, clean amenities, and raise people’s awareness about hygiene. As part of their business model, they hire locally from communities, engaging community members as supervisors, cleaners and security guards of the facilities that they help construct. The first public toilet MN Services developed, at New Alayabiaga Market, was constructed with separated male and female sections, with female hygiene assistants for the women’s section, and male assistants for the men’s section, security personnel and a supervisor to manage the facility.

    Recognizing women’s concerns, as well as integrating women into the solutions – at the administrative, technical and directoral levels – are integral to addressing women’s safety in sanitation. Planning facilities that are separate, secure and accessible, as well as affordable are the inroads to addressing this challenge. And it seems that slowly but surely, these concerns are coming to the spotlight.

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    Victoria Okoye, Lagos Community Manager

    In the area of sanitation, access to improved facilities, expanding women’s management and planning opportunities and improving women’s safety and security are inextricably linked. For example, for women working in the market, commuting between destinations or even for young girls in school, gender concerns limit their access to finding and accessing private spaces to go to the toilet.

    An October 2012 poll of 500 female residents on their sanitation and safety concerns in the slum communities of Ajegunle, Ijora Badia, Oko Agbon and Otto-Oyingbo sets the scene: two out of every five women said they lack access to sanitation facilities. They develop their own, informal solutions, relieving themselves outside, and in the open, such as behind buildings, in open drains, or off roadways.

    Over half of the women affirmed that they avoid using public toilets at certain times to avoid any perceived danger. In these spaces, like in open areas, they have to share facilities with men. The lack of privacy makes them vulnerable to public attention and physical and verbal abuse. Many may try to go at night under the cover of dark, but that brings its additional threats and dangers.

    “My neighbor or people passing will start staring at you,” said one. “And some will stare like they want to come and rape you.”

    For others, the harassment goes beyond perception to the real thing. Another respondent commented: “There is a day I went to the toilet and somebody flogged me from behind.”

    There is a strong correlation between women’s sense of safety and access to private toilets, or those available in markets: 77 percent reported feeling unsafe when using public facilities, while 19 percent reported feeling unsafe when using their own private, household facilities. The women reported feeling more safe when they were able to access a toilet in their local market or on public transport than when they had to use a shared or community toilet, or use an open space.

    When it comes to improving women’s safety in the urban space, “public services can and must be part of the solution for making their lives safer,” says Ramona Vijeyarasa of WaterAid. She points to the lack of women’s participation in planning, highlighting that women have to be included not only in the as end users, but as managers and planners who work to improve sanitation access throughout the city. The women’s experiences from Ajegunle and other low-income areas highlights that it’s not just about having access to public services, it’s about services that are planned and managed with gender considerations in mind.

    In terms of waste management, the Lagos State Waste Management Authority (LAWMA), which manages the collection and disposal of both public and household waste, incorporates one-third female representation in its administrative and technical staff, creating employment opportunities for women, as well as breaking into a male-dominated profession of urban services. Impressed with the female staff’s performance, the agency said in 2012 that it was planing to hire even more female drivers.

    On the non-governmental side, a local organization is making inroads. In 2008, two women, Jife Williams and Adeola Asabia, set up MN Environmental Services, an NGO providing sanitation and hygiene services in Lagos. According to Adeola Asabia, the NGO focuses on providing sanitation solutions in low-income areas, markets and lorry parks. Their impacts have gained notoriety for their company as well as the issue of sanitation, earning them a Cartier Women’s Initiative Award in 2009.

    Williams and Adeola say that their end goal is to provide Lagosians with modern, clean amenities, and raise people’s awareness about hygiene. As part of their business model, they hire locally from communities, engaging community members as supervisors, cleaners and security guards of the facilities that they help construct. The first public toilet MN Services developed, at New Alayabiaga Market, was constructed with separated male and female sections, with female hygiene assistants for the women’s section, and male assistants for the men’s section, security personnel and a supervisor to manage the facility.

    Recognizing women’s concerns, as well as integrating women into the solutions – at the administrative, technical and directoral levels – are integral to addressing women’s safety in sanitation. Planning facilities that are separate, secure and accessible, as well as affordable are the inroads to addressing this challenge. And it seems that slowly but surely, these concerns are coming to the spotlight.

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    Victoria Okoye, Lagos Community Manager

    In the area of sanitation, access to improved facilities, expanding women’s management and planning opportunities and improving women’s safety and security are inextricably linked. For example, for women working in the market, commuting between destinations or even for young girls in school, gender concerns limit their access to finding and accessing private spaces to go to the toilet.

    An October 2012 poll of 500 female residents on their sanitation and safety concerns in the slum communities of Ajegunle, Ijora Badia, Oko Agbon and Otto-Oyingbo sets the scene: two out of every five women said they lack access to sanitation facilities. They develop their own, informal solutions, relieving themselves outside, and in the open, such as behind buildings, in open drains, or off roadways.

    Over half of the women affirmed that they avoid using public toilets at certain times to avoid any perceived danger. In these spaces, like in open areas, they have to share facilities with men. The lack of privacy makes them vulnerable to public attention and physical and verbal abuse. Many may try to go at night under the cover of dark, but that brings its additional threats and dangers.

    “My neighbor or people passing will start staring at you,” said one. “And some will stare like they want to come and rape you.”

    For others, the harassment goes beyond perception to the real thing. Another respondent commented: “There is a day I went to the toilet and somebody flogged me from behind.”

    There is a strong correlation between women’s sense of safety and access to private toilets, or those available in markets: 77 percent reported feeling unsafe when using public facilities, while 19 percent reported feeling unsafe when using their own private, household facilities. The women reported feeling more safe when they were able to access a toilet in their local market or on public transport than when they had to use a shared or community toilet, or use an open space.

    When it comes to improving women’s safety in the urban space, “public services can and must be part of the solution for making their lives safer,” says Ramona Vijeyarasa of WaterAid. She points to the lack of women’s participation in planning, highlighting that women have to be included not only in the as end users, but as managers and planners who work to improve sanitation access throughout the city. The women’s experiences from Ajegunle and other low-income areas highlights that it’s not just about having access to public services, it’s about services that are planned and managed with gender considerations in mind.

    In terms of waste management, the Lagos State Waste Management Authority (LAWMA), which manages the collection and disposal of both public and household waste, incorporates one-third female representation in its administrative and technical staff, creating employment opportunities for women, as well as breaking into a male-dominated profession of urban services. Impressed with the female staff’s performance, the agency said in 2012 that it was planing to hire even more female drivers.

    On the non-governmental side, a local organization is making inroads. In 2008, two women, Jife Williams and Adeola Asabia, set up MN Environmental Services, an NGO providing sanitation and hygiene services in Lagos. According to Adeola Asabia, the NGO focuses on providing sanitation solutions in low-income areas, markets and lorry parks. Their impacts have gained notoriety for their company as well as the issue of sanitation, earning them a Cartier Women’s Initiative Award in 2009.

    Williams and Adeola say that their end goal is to provide Lagosians with modern, clean amenities, and raise people’s awareness about hygiene. As part of their business model, they hire locally from communities, engaging community members as supervisors, cleaners and security guards of the facilities that they help construct. The first public toilet MN Services developed, at New Alayabiaga Market, was constructed with separated male and female sections, with female hygiene assistants for the women’s section, and male assistants for the men’s section, security personnel and a supervisor to manage the facility.

    Recognizing women’s concerns, as well as integrating women into the solutions – at the administrative, technical and directoral levels – are integral to addressing women’s safety in sanitation. Planning facilities that are separate, secure and accessible, as well as affordable are the inroads to addressing this challenge. And it seems that slowly but surely, these concerns are coming to the spotlight.

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    Victoria Okoye, Lagos Community Manager

    In the area of sanitation, access to improved facilities, expanding women’s management and planning opportunities and improving women’s safety and security are inextricably linked. For example, for women working in the market, commuting between destinations or even for young girls in school, gender concerns limit their access to finding and accessing private spaces to go to the toilet.

    An October 2012 poll of 500 female residents on their sanitation and safety concerns in the slum communities of Ajegunle, Ijora Badia, Oko Agbon and Otto-Oyingbo sets the scene: two out of every five women said they lack access to sanitation facilities. They develop their own, informal solutions, relieving themselves outside, and in the open, such as behind buildings, in open drains, or off roadways.

    Over half of the women affirmed that they avoid using public toilets at certain times to avoid any perceived danger. In these spaces, like in open areas, they have to share facilities with men. The lack of privacy makes them vulnerable to public attention and physical and verbal abuse. Many may try to go at night under the cover of dark, but that brings its additional threats and dangers.

    “My neighbor or people passing will start staring at you,” said one. “And some will stare like they want to come and rape you.”

    For others, the harassment goes beyond perception to the real thing. Another respondent commented: “There is a day I went to the toilet and somebody flogged me from behind.”

    There is a strong correlation between women’s sense of safety and access to private toilets, or those available in markets: 77 percent reported feeling unsafe when using public facilities, while 19 percent reported feeling unsafe when using their own private, household facilities. The women reported feeling more safe when they were able to access a toilet in their local market or on public transport than when they had to use a shared or community toilet, or use an open space.

    When it comes to improving women’s safety in the urban space, “public services can and must be part of the solution for making their lives safer,” says Ramona Vijeyarasa of WaterAid. She points to the lack of women’s participation in planning, highlighting that women have to be included not only in the as end users, but as managers and planners who work to improve sanitation access throughout the city. The women’s experiences from Ajegunle and other low-income areas highlights that it’s not just about having access to public services, it’s about services that are planned and managed with gender considerations in mind.

    In terms of waste management, the Lagos State Waste Management Authority (LAWMA), which manages the collection and disposal of both public and household waste, incorporates one-third female representation in its administrative and technical staff, creating employment opportunities for women, as well as breaking into a male-dominated profession of urban services. Impressed with the female staff’s performance, the agency said in 2012 that it was planing to hire even more female drivers.

    On the non-governmental side, a local organization is making inroads. In 2008, two women, Jife Williams and Adeola Asabia, set up MN Environmental Services, an NGO providing sanitation and hygiene services in Lagos. According to Adeola Asabia, the NGO focuses on providing sanitation solutions in low-income areas, markets and lorry parks. Their impacts have gained notoriety for their company as well as the issue of sanitation, earning them a Cartier Women’s Initiative Award in 2009.

    Williams and Adeola say that their end goal is to provide Lagosians with modern, clean amenities, and raise people’s awareness about hygiene. As part of their business model, they hire locally from communities, engaging community members as supervisors, cleaners and security guards of the facilities that they help construct. The first public toilet MN Services developed, at New Alayabiaga Market, was constructed with separated male and female sections, with female hygiene assistants for the women’s section, and male assistants for the men’s section, security personnel and a supervisor to manage the facility.

    Recognizing women’s concerns, as well as integrating women into the solutions – at the administrative, technical and directoral levels – are integral to addressing women’s safety in sanitation. Planning facilities that are separate, secure and accessible, as well as affordable are the inroads to addressing this challenge. And it seems that slowly but surely, these concerns are coming to the spotlight.

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    Victoria Okoye, Lagos Community Manager

    In the area of sanitation, access to improved facilities, expanding women’s management and planning opportunities and improving women’s safety and security are inextricably linked. For example, for women working in the market, commuting between destinations or even for young girls in school, gender concerns limit their access to finding and accessing private spaces to go to the toilet.

    An October 2012 poll of 500 female residents on their sanitation and safety concerns in the slum communities of Ajegunle, Ijora Badia, Oko Agbon and Otto-Oyingbo sets the scene: two out of every five women said they lack access to sanitation facilities. They develop their own, informal solutions, relieving themselves outside, and in the open, such as behind buildings, in open drains, or off roadways.

    Over half of the women affirmed that they avoid using public toilets at certain times to avoid any perceived danger. In these spaces, like in open areas, they have to share facilities with men. The lack of privacy makes them vulnerable to public attention and physical and verbal abuse. Many may try to go at night under the cover of dark, but that brings its additional threats and dangers.

    “My neighbor or people passing will start staring at you,” said one. “And some will stare like they want to come and rape you.”

    For others, the harassment goes beyond perception to the real thing. Another respondent commented: “There is a day I went to the toilet and somebody flogged me from behind.”

    There is a strong correlation between women’s sense of safety and access to private toilets, or those available in markets: 77 percent reported feeling unsafe when using public facilities, while 19 percent reported feeling unsafe when using their own private, household facilities. The women reported feeling more safe when they were able to access a toilet in their local market or on public transport than when they had to use a shared or community toilet, or use an open space.

    When it comes to improving women’s safety in the urban space, “public services can and must be part of the solution for making their lives safer,” says Ramona Vijeyarasa of WaterAid. She points to the lack of women’s participation in planning, highlighting that women have to be included not only in the as end users, but as managers and planners who work to improve sanitation access throughout the city. The women’s experiences from Ajegunle and other low-income areas highlights that it’s not just about having access to public services, it’s about services that are planned and managed with gender considerations in mind.

    In terms of waste management, the Lagos State Waste Management Authority (LAWMA), which manages the collection and disposal of both public and household waste, incorporates one-third female representation in its administrative and technical staff, creating employment opportunities for women, as well as breaking into a male-dominated profession of urban services. Impressed with the female staff’s performance, the agency said in 2012 that it was planing to hire even more female drivers.

    On the non-governmental side, a local organization is making inroads. In 2008, two women, Jife Williams and Adeola Asabia, set up MN Environmental Services, an NGO providing sanitation and hygiene services in Lagos. According to Adeola Asabia, the NGO focuses on providing sanitation solutions in low-income areas, markets and lorry parks. Their impacts have gained notoriety for their company as well as the issue of sanitation, earning them a Cartier Women’s Initiative Award in 2009.

    Williams and Adeola say that their end goal is to provide Lagosians with modern, clean amenities, and raise people’s awareness about hygiene. As part of their business model, they hire locally from communities, engaging community members as supervisors, cleaners and security guards of the facilities that they help construct. The first public toilet MN Services developed, at New Alayabiaga Market, was constructed with separated male and female sections, with female hygiene assistants for the women’s section, and male assistants for the men’s section, security personnel and a supervisor to manage the facility.

    Recognizing women’s concerns, as well as integrating women into the solutions – at the administrative, technical and directoral levels – are integral to addressing women’s safety in sanitation. Planning facilities that are separate, secure and accessible, as well as affordable are the inroads to addressing this challenge. And it seems that slowly but surely, these concerns are coming to the spotlight.

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    Victoria Okoye, Lagos Community Manager

    In the area of sanitation, access to improved facilities, expanding women’s management and planning opportunities and improving women’s safety and security are inextricably linked. For example, for women working in the market, commuting between destinations or even for young girls in school, gender concerns limit their access to finding and accessing private spaces to go to the toilet.

    An October 2012 poll of 500 female residents on their sanitation and safety concerns in the slum communities of Ajegunle, Ijora Badia, Oko Agbon and Otto-Oyingbo sets the scene: two out of every five women said they lack access to sanitation facilities. They develop their own, informal solutions, relieving themselves outside, and in the open, such as behind buildings, in open drains, or off roadways.

    Over half of the women affirmed that they avoid using public toilets at certain times to avoid any perceived danger. In these spaces, like in open areas, they have to share facilities with men. The lack of privacy makes them vulnerable to public attention and physical and verbal abuse. Many may try to go at night under the cover of dark, but that brings its additional threats and dangers.

    “My neighbor or people passing will start staring at you,” said one. “And some will stare like they want to come and rape you.”

    For others, the harassment goes beyond perception to the real thing. Another respondent commented: “There is a day I went to the toilet and somebody flogged me from behind.”

    There is a strong correlation between women’s sense of safety and access to private toilets, or those available in markets: 77 percent reported feeling unsafe when using public facilities, while 19 percent reported feeling unsafe when using their own private, household facilities. The women reported feeling more safe when they were able to access a toilet in their local market or on public transport than when they had to use a shared or community toilet, or use an open space.

    When it comes to improving women’s safety in the urban space, “public services can and must be part of the solution for making their lives safer,” says Ramona Vijeyarasa of WaterAid. She points to the lack of women’s participation in planning, highlighting that women have to be included not only in the as end users, but as managers and planners who work to improve sanitation access throughout the city. The women’s experiences from Ajegunle and other low-income areas highlights that it’s not just about having access to public services, it’s about services that are planned and managed with gender considerations in mind.

    In terms of waste management, the Lagos State Waste Management Authority (LAWMA), which manages the collection and disposal of both public and household waste, incorporates one-third female representation in its administrative and technical staff, creating employment opportunities for women, as well as breaking into a male-dominated profession of urban services. Impressed with the female staff’s performance, the agency said in 2012 that it was planing to hire even more female drivers.

    On the non-governmental side, a local organization is making inroads. In 2008, two women, Jife Williams and Adeola Asabia, set up MN Environmental Services, an NGO providing sanitation and hygiene services in Lagos. According to Adeola Asabia, the NGO focuses on providing sanitation solutions in low-income areas, markets and lorry parks. Their impacts have gained notoriety for their company as well as the issue of sanitation, earning them a Cartier Women’s Initiative Award in 2009.

    Williams and Adeola say that their end goal is to provide Lagosians with modern, clean amenities, and raise people’s awareness about hygiene. As part of their business model, they hire locally from communities, engaging community members as supervisors, cleaners and security guards of the facilities that they help construct. The first public toilet MN Services developed, at New Alayabiaga Market, was constructed with separated male and female sections, with female hygiene assistants for the women’s section, and male assistants for the men’s section, security personnel and a supervisor to manage the facility.

    Recognizing women’s concerns, as well as integrating women into the solutions – at the administrative, technical and directoral levels – are integral to addressing women’s safety in sanitation. Planning facilities that are separate, secure and accessible, as well as affordable are the inroads to addressing this challenge. And it seems that slowly but surely, these concerns are coming to the spotlight.

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    Victoria Okoye, Lagos Community Manager

    In the area of sanitation, access to improved facilities, expanding women’s management and planning opportunities and improving women’s safety and security are inextricably linked. For example, for women working in the market, commuting between destinations or even for young girls in school, gender concerns limit their access to finding and accessing private spaces to go to the toilet.

    An October 2012 poll of 500 female residents on their sanitation and safety concerns in the slum communities of Ajegunle, Ijora Badia, Oko Agbon and Otto-Oyingbo sets the scene: two out of every five women said they lack access to sanitation facilities. They develop their own, informal solutions, relieving themselves outside, and in the open, such as behind buildings, in open drains, or off roadways.

    Over half of the women affirmed that they avoid using public toilets at certain times to avoid any perceived danger. In these spaces, like in open areas, they have to share facilities with men. The lack of privacy makes them vulnerable to public attention and physical and verbal abuse. Many may try to go at night under the cover of dark, but that brings its additional threats and dangers.

    “My neighbor or people passing will start staring at you,” said one. “And some will stare like they want to come and rape you.”

    For others, the harassment goes beyond perception to the real thing. Another respondent commented: “There is a day I went to the toilet and somebody flogged me from behind.”

    There is a strong correlation between women’s sense of safety and access to private toilets, or those available in markets: 77 percent reported feeling unsafe when using public facilities, while 19 percent reported feeling unsafe when using their own private, household facilities. The women reported feeling more safe when they were able to access a toilet in their local market or on public transport than when they had to use a shared or community toilet, or use an open space.

    When it comes to improving women’s safety in the urban space, “public services can and must be part of the solution for making their lives safer,” says Ramona Vijeyarasa of WaterAid. She points to the lack of women’s participation in planning, highlighting that women have to be included not only in the as end users, but as managers and planners who work to improve sanitation access throughout the city. The women’s experiences from Ajegunle and other low-income areas highlights that it’s not just about having access to public services, it’s about services that are planned and managed with gender considerations in mind.

    In terms of waste management, the Lagos State Waste Management Authority (LAWMA), which manages the collection and disposal of both public and household waste, incorporates one-third female representation in its administrative and technical staff, creating employment opportunities for women, as well as breaking into a male-dominated profession of urban services. Impressed with the female staff’s performance, the agency said in 2012 that it was planing to hire even more female drivers.

    On the non-governmental side, a local organization is making inroads. In 2008, two women, Jife Williams and Adeola Asabia, set up MN Environmental Services, an NGO providing sanitation and hygiene services in Lagos. According to Adeola Asabia, the NGO focuses on providing sanitation solutions in low-income areas, markets and lorry parks. Their impacts have gained notoriety for their company as well as the issue of sanitation, earning them a Cartier Women’s Initiative Award in 2009.

    Williams and Adeola say that their end goal is to provide Lagosians with modern, clean amenities, and raise people’s awareness about hygiene. As part of their business model, they hire locally from communities, engaging community members as supervisors, cleaners and security guards of the facilities that they help construct. The first public toilet MN Services developed, at New Alayabiaga Market, was constructed with separated male and female sections, with female hygiene assistants for the women’s section, and male assistants for the men’s section, security personnel and a supervisor to manage the facility.

    Recognizing women’s concerns, as well as integrating women into the solutions – at the administrative, technical and directoral levels – are integral to addressing women’s safety in sanitation. Planning facilities that are separate, secure and accessible, as well as affordable are the inroads to addressing this challenge. And it seems that slowly but surely, these concerns are coming to the spotlight.

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    Coastal waters and their ecosystems are a crucial source of food and protection for seaside cities, particularly for the urban poor. But competition for marine resources and the expansion of urban areas into coastal land have resulted in environmental degradation, which in turn causes food insecurity and vulnerability to the effects of climate change. To combat this destructive cycle, government and civil society initiatives in Cape Town, Jakarta, Accra, and Mumbai are working to provide environmentally conscious and socially just solutions. Read on to learn about the restoration of fishing rights for marginalized communities, efforts to preserve mangrove forests, and more — then join the conversation below.

    Tariq Toffa, Cape Town Community Manager

    Despite advances made in natural resource management science, the degradation and the destructive competition for natural resources in most areas of the world has continued more or less unabated. South African fish and seafood stocks, too, generally show no exception. Moreover, there are increasing numbers of applicants, corporations, and communities competing for fishing rights to this shrinking resource.

    Worldwide, however, various shifts in approaches to the management of natural resources have also emerged from improved understandings of the complex interdependencies between natural and socio-economic systems. In the South African context, between the focus on ecology (through the Ecosystems Approach to Fisheries, or EAF) and economy (through the fishing rights allocation system, or RBM), a vital concern not adequately included under the current system is that of socio-economic and management issues. In the past, participation in the fishing industry remained in the hands of the wealthy, in the form of an established industrialized white-owned sector, reinforcing both the government’s racially discriminatory policies, as well as the links between access to capital and access to the commercial fisheries. Nevertheless, in the Western Cape, small-scale fishers and communities living on the margins operated an informal fish market, especially for ‘snoek’ (Thyrsites atun), for centuries an important source of livelihood, diet, and culture.

    While subsistence fishers were not recognized prior to 1994 and were often arrested or fined, in 1994 the new democratic government promised “improved access to marine resources” for “impoverished coastal communities.” Since 2010, the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) has supported the West Coast Fishing Cluster initiative with approximately R11million (US $1.1 million). Through identifying fishing cooperatives, the project seeks to put in place a comprehensive package of support measures, such as assets and capital, in order to create employment opportunities and to enhance the commercialization of small-scale fisheries in the Western Cape, particularly where such communities are heavily reliant on fishing for their livelihood. Last year, when fishing boats to the value of R1.6 million (US $160,000) were provided by the DTI to the fishing co-operatives of Ocean View and Masiphumelele in Cape Town, in order to enable those communities to generate their own capital (potentially R1.8 million, or US $180 000, annually according to the DTI), it had already funded 39 such co-operatives.

    Notwithstanding initiatives such as the Fishing Cluster Project, on a broader structural level there remained the problem of the concentration of fishing rights in the hands of a few rights holders. Due to the many artisanal fishers who were still left to operate informally, a class action case was brought against the allocation system of fishing rights. This precipitated a new small-scale fisheries policy for South Africa in 2012. Due for implementation in 2014, the new policy has a strong developmental focus. Significantly, it also promotes community fishing quotas, through the creation of legal entities representing fishing communities.

    The Fishing Cluster Project together with the new small-scale fisheries policy begin to address the longstanding capital and access rights challenges of fishing communities. Senior lecturer and fisheries expert at the Institute for Poverty, Land and Agrarian Studies, Dr. Moeniba Isaacs, makes several recommendations to further strengthen fishing ‘communities’. First, the new small-scale fisheries policy should protect access to snoek for small-scale fishers only, securing fisher livelihoods and food security for poor communities. Second, it should develop local fish markets (investing in proper cold chains and improved sanitation), which local consumers should be encouraged to support. Third, strong community-based organizations need to be developed to provide agency to poor fishers.

    Fig. 1: A landing site. Fig. 2: Snoek sellers operate informally from “bakkies” (pick-up trucks) without cold chain facilities.

    Widya Anggraini, Jakarta Community Manager

    Jakarta Utara merupakan salah satu dari lima kota di Jakarta yang keseluruhan bagiannya merupakan daerah pesisir. Secara historis Jakarta berkembang melalui wilayah ini sebab keberadaan pelabuhan utama bagi Kerajaan Tarumanegara, sebutan Jakarta dahulu kala, memungkinkan Jakarta melakukan aktivitas ekonomi dengan berbagai daerah dan berkembang seperti saat ini. Secara administratif, Jakarta memiliki enam kecamatan dengan beragam potensi perikanan laut. Salah satu daerahnya adalah Muara Angke di Kecamatan Penjaringan yang dikenal sebagai desa nelayan dan rumah bagi hutan asli mangrove. Beragam masalah kini hadir di daerah tersebut dikarenakan berkurangnya jumlah nelayan dan hasil produksi mereka karena sulitnya modal dan kekhawatiran kehilangan ladang karena proses reklamasi di Pantai Utara yang rencananya akan dijadikan permukiman. Untuk itu pemerintah saat ini telah melaksanakan sebuah program Pemberdayaan Ekonomi Masyarakat Pesisir (PEMP) dan rencana menjadikan kampung nelayan menjadi daerah wisata. Selain itu berbagai Lsm penggiat lingkungan melakukan advokasi penyelamatan hutan mangrove di Jakarta.

    Muara Angke terletak di kelurahan Kapuk Muara yang terkenal dengan kampung nelayannya, palabuhan dan tempat pelelangan ikan. Menurut Dinas Peternakan, perikanan dan Kelautan Jakarta jumlah nelayan di Jakarta Utara kian tahun kian menurun terutama disebabkan kenaikan konstan bahan bakar minyak. Sehingga banyak dari mereka tidak melaut dengan alasan biaya tinggi dan merugikan nelayan. Untuk ini pemerintah telah mempersiapkan sebuah program pemberdayaan bagi masyarakat nelayan melalu PEMP yang bertujuan untuk meningkatkan kapasitas sumber daya manusia pesisir dalam mengelola potensi laut dan mendorong munculnya kelompok-kelompok pendukung pengelolaan sumberdaya laut dan pantai. Program ini menyediakan dana hibah untuk penguatan koperasi nelayan atau dikenal sebagai Dana Ekonomi Produktif untuk mengatasi kesulitan permodalan nelayan. Dana ini diberikan pada nelayan kecil dan pembudidaya ikan-ikan kecil serta koperasi perikanan. Skema kredit disediakan dengan bunga rendah dan cara yang tidak rumit. Pada awalnya, dana langsung diberikan pada koperasi nelayan, namun kini dilakukan melalui lembaga perbankan. PEMP memberikan manfaat bagi nelayan dalam permodalan dan meningkatkan produksi mereka. Untuk selanjutnya PEMP ini akan dileburkan dalam program pemerintah yang lain bernama PNPM Mandiri Kelautan dan Perikanan.

    Sementara itu, selain terkenal sebagai kampung nelayan dan pasar ikan, Muara Angke juga merupakan rumah bagi hutan mangrove terakhir di Jakarta. Kawasan hutan ini memiliki suaka margasatwa, hutan lindung dan taman wisata dengan berbagai spesies binatang yang dilindungi didalamnya. Kini pemerintah berencana mereklamasi pesisir pantai utara yang rencananya akan digunakan sebagai wilayah permukiman. Jika proyek ini terus dilakukan, makan wilayah tersebut akan kehilangan hutan mangrove, spesies ikan, kerang dan binatang laut lainnya. Selain itu dikhawatirkan banjir akan selalu melanda Jakarta Utara. Yayasan lingkungan seperti Yayasan Kehati meluncurkan program ‘Merajut Sabuk Pesisir Hijau Indonesia’ dengan menanam mangrove di pesisir Pantai Utara dan Selatan Pulau Jawa. Saat ini telah terkumpul lebih dari 100.000 bantang mangrove untuk disebar di beberapa kawasan dan ditanam bersama mitra-mitra Kehati.

    Secara keseluruhan, berbagai upaya mempertahankan upaya agar Muara Angke tetap berfungsi sebagai kampung nelayan dan mensuplai kebutuhan ikan kota-kota di wilayah Jakarta telah dilakukan melalui upaya kemudahan memperoleh akses ke modal, pelatihan bagi nelayan untuk memanfaatkan hasil laut, pembangunan sarana dan prasarana penunjang pelabuhan laut serta di saat yang sama masyarakat peduli lingkungan mendukung dengan penanaman mangrove dan upaya advokasi seperti yang dilakukan LSM Koalisi Rakyat untuk Keadilan Perikanan yang menolak upaya reklamasi Pantai Utara.

    Foto: stephane.puron

    Widya Anggraini, Jakarta Community Manager

    North Jakarta is one of the five towns in Jakarta consisting entirely of coastal areas. Historically, Jakarta started to grow because of the presence of a major port in the Tarumanegara Kingdom, a place of yore that stirred economic activity in the various regions and enabled them to flourish. Jakarta has six districts with diverse marine fisheries. One region in the Penjaringan District is Muara Angke, known as a fishing village and home to the original mangrove forest. Various problems are now present in the area — the decreasing number of fishermen and the drop in production stem from the difficulty of raising capital and the concern over losing farmland, as there are plans for the North Coast to be transformed into a residential settlement. To that end, the government has developed Pemberdayaan Ekonomi Masyarakat Pesisir (the Coastal Community Economic Empowerment program, or PEMP) and plans to transform fishing villages into tourist destinations. In addition, a variety of environmental activist groups are advocating the preservation of mangrove forests in Jakarta.

    The Muara Angke area is located in the Kapuk Muara region, famous for its fishing villages, ports and fish markets. According to the Department of Livestock and Fisheries, the number of fishermen in North Jakarta is diminishing yearly due to constant increases in the price of oil. Many have abandoned the profession due to its high costs and unprofitable nature. Hence, the government has prepared the PEMP program which aims to increase the capacity of human resources to unleash the potential of coastal regions and to encourage the emergence of marine and coastal resource management and support groups. This program provides grants to strengthen fishing cooperatives, also known as the Productive Economy Fund (Dana Ekonomi Produktif), to overcome the difficulties of raising capital. These funds are given to farmers, fishermen, and small fishing cooperatives. Its credit scheme provides simple, low-interest loans. In the beginning, the funds were given directly to the fishing cooperatives, but it is now handled through banking institutions. The PEMP program benefits fishermen in raising capital and increasing their production. In the future, the program will be merged with another government program, the PNPM Mandiri Marine and Fisheries.

    In addition to its fame for its fishing village and fish markets, Muara Angke is also home to the last mangrove forest in Jakarta. The forest area has wildlife reserves, nature and tourist park reserves with various species of animals protected within them. Currently, the government plans to reclaim the North Coast and transform it into a residential area. If the project continues, the region will lose its mangrove forests and several species of fish, shellfish and other marine animals. There are fears that North Jakarta will therefore always experience flooding. Environmental groups such as the Biodiversity Conservation Trust Fund launched a “Knitting the Green Indonesian Coastal Belt” program that plants mangroves in the North Coast and South Beach of Java. Currently, more than 100,000 mangrove trunks have been collected to be deployed in some areas and planted with their partners.

    In sum, various efforts to enable Muara Angke to function as a fishing area and to supply the fishing needs of cities in Indonesia have been carried out through programs that increase ease of access to capital, train fishermen to profit from their marine activities, and construct seaport infrastructure and facilities. At the same time, efforts have been made by a concerned community that not only wants to preserve its environment by planting mangroves, but also encourages advocacy efforts by environmental organizations such as Koalisi Rakyat untuk Keadilan Perikanan (the People’s Coalition for Fishing Justice), which refuses to allow the reclamation of the North Coast.

    Photo: stephane.puron

    Felix Nyamedor, Accra City Community Manager

    The food security situation in Accra is a major concern to the government, civil society organisations, and development partners. Food security covers availability, accessibility, ultilisation, production, and affordability of food as classified by the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO). This article looks specifically at food affordability in Accra, as the price of food poses problems to more than half of the city’s population.

    Though Accra is a coastal city, the limited production of crops and fishing provides for only a quarter of the population, so the city depends on transported food from the outskirts of Ghana. The cost of transporting food has raised the cost of food so much that the average person in Accra finds it difficult to eat a balanced three square meals a day. Over-fishing has resulted in dwindling catches that fail to meet residents’ protein needs. The large youth population causes a high dependency ratio, which increases the average household expenditure on food. Many former farmers are those who migrated to Accra, increasing the demand for food in the city while also reducing available labour for food production in the countryside. Climate change and over-dependence on rain irrigation are other significant contributors to the food production, and therefore affordability challenges.

    The current depreciation of the Ghanaian Cedi compared to other major currencies has worsened the price index of imported foods. Prices of imported foods like sardines, rice, and oil have increased more than 10 percent in the beginning of 2014 alone. There is therefore the need to increase local production of food while limiting imports.

    The Ministry of Food and Agriculture and the Accra Metropolitan Assembly are working to ensure that opportunities are created for actors along the production-to-marketing chain of food production. This is done through trainings on processing techniques of perishable food items to help reduce post-harvest losses in rural areas for transportation to the cities. The livestock industry is promoted through the Livestock Development Project to avail quality and affordable meat products for consumption to meet residents’ protein needs and to help promote home gardening in the metropolis to augment household needs. The government of Ghana also developed a motivation package with the Youth In Agriculture programme to motivate young people to counteract the ageing farmer population in order to facilitate sustainability in agriculture production. The average age of farmers in Ghana is 55 years old, and life expectancy averages between 55 and 60 years. The program also aims to promote urban food production through technological innovations. The challenge of this policy has been its implementation.

    One organisation that is also promoting urban agriculture and the affordability of quality agriculture produce for urban residents is the Resource Centres on Urban Agriculture and Food Security, the RUAF Foundation. The RUAF Foundation provides crops and vegetable sales points called CitiVeg points all across the city for easy accessibility and affordability.

    Moreover, the FAO in Ghana is helping provide technical support to promote urban agriculture and ensure the availability of quality and affordability food to meet the MDG targets on food security for Ghana.

    Photo credit: GNA

    Carlin Carr, Mumbai Community Manager

    Mumbai has 149 kilometers of coastline — an enormous asset but also one of the city’s greatest vulnerabilities. After the 2004 tsunami that caused widespread devastation across Southeast Asia, coastal cities began to reevaluate their resiliency in the face of another major storm. Areas that weathered the tsunami best were those with thriving mangroves, a natural buffer between the land and sea. Mangroves protect the “assault of the sea on land,” according to the Soonabai Pirojsha Godrej Marine Ecology Centre, which supported the protection of Mumbai’s mangroves. The Centre describes these vibrantly diverse ecosystems as “more dynamic than the sea itself.”

    However, the city’s natural coastal protector has been under severe threat in recent decades. “It has been estimated that Mumbai lost about 40 percent of its mangrove between 1995 and 2005,” says a recent article on the mangroves. The destruction of the rich forest and estuaries started during the British era when the mangroves were being chopped down and filled in to reclaim land. In the ever-growing Mumbai of today, the rapid deterioration of these important natural barriers has continued. The article says the mangroves are now being lost to all the major development in the city — “golf courses, amusement parks, sewage and garbage dumps, buildings, and other modern structures like the Bandra-Worli Sea-Link.”

    One of the cities well-known group of environmental activists, Bombay Environmental Action Group (BEAG), led the way in protecting urban mangroves. The rich forest and estuaries, which not only act as coastal barriers but also as breeding grounds for a wide variety of fish, came under the protection of the state after a Supreme Court order was passed in 2006. The order has helped preserve these vital ecosystems, and Mumbai and surrounding areas now have 5,800 hectares of mangrove land designated as protected forests and 26,000 hectares of coastal land in the state has also been identified to come under the Court’s protection. The move is not only smart resiliency planning, but can also be considered good economics. “Healthy mangrove forests can be valued anywhere between $2000-9000 per hectare,” says an article that argues that saving the mangroves actually saves the city coffers as well. “By preserving mangrove forests, the city of Mumbai has saved itself about $52 million every year.”

    Mumbai’s fisherman, the Kolis — known as the native people of Mumbai — have also begun to understand the connection between the mangroves and their fishing livelihoods. In response, a group of Mumbai fisherman formed an NGO called Sree Ekvira Pratisthan to protect more than 1,000 hectares of mangroves in their area northern area of the city. The organization educates other fisherman on the importance of the mangroves and fights to stop builders trying to prey on the mangrove’s untouched land — valuable pockets in a land-starved city.

    As “resiliency” becomes a key term in the age of global warming and more natural destruction is waged on some of the world’s biggest cities — take Hurricane Sandy in NYC, for example — nature has provided many coastal cities with an important barrier. No technology can replicate what the mangroves do. Protecting these areas is one of the most important aspects to developing climate change resiliency in India’s economic capital on the sea, and appropriate priority must be given to their importance in the urban landscape.

    Photo credit: Senorhorst Jahnsen

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    Coastal waters and their ecosystems are a crucial source of food and protection for seaside cities, particularly for the urban poor. But competition for marine resources and the expansion of urban areas into coastal land have resulted in environmental degradation, which in turn causes food insecurity and vulnerability to the effects of climate change. To combat this destructive cycle, government and civil society initiatives in Cape Town, Jakarta, Accra, and Mumbai are working to provide environmentally conscious and socially just solutions. Read on to learn about the restoration of fishing rights for marginalized communities, efforts to preserve mangrove forests, and more — then join the conversation below.

    Tariq Toffa, Cape Town Community Manager

    Despite advances made in natural resource management science, the degradation and the destructive competition for natural resources in most areas of the world has continued more or less unabated. South African fish and seafood stocks, too, generally show no exception. Moreover, there are increasing numbers of applicants, corporations, and communities competing for fishing rights to this shrinking resource.

    Worldwide, however, various shifts in approaches to the management of natural resources have also emerged from improved understandings of the complex interdependencies between natural and socio-economic systems. In the South African context, between the focus on ecology (through the Ecosystems Approach to Fisheries, or EAF) and economy (through the fishing rights allocation system, or RBM), a vital concern not adequately included under the current system is that of socio-economic and management issues. In the past, participation in the fishing industry remained in the hands of the wealthy, in the form of an established industrialized white-owned sector, reinforcing both the government’s racially discriminatory policies, as well as the links between access to capital and access to the commercial fisheries. Nevertheless, in the Western Cape, small-scale fishers and communities living on the margins operated an informal fish market, especially for ‘snoek’ (Thyrsites atun), for centuries an important source of livelihood, diet, and culture.

    While subsistence fishers were not recognized prior to 1994 and were often arrested or fined, in 1994 the new democratic government promised “improved access to marine resources” for “impoverished coastal communities.” Since 2010, the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) has supported the West Coast Fishing Cluster initiative with approximately R11million (US $1.1 million). Through identifying fishing cooperatives, the project seeks to put in place a comprehensive package of support measures, such as assets and capital, in order to create employment opportunities and to enhance the commercialization of small-scale fisheries in the Western Cape, particularly where such communities are heavily reliant on fishing for their livelihood. Last year, when fishing boats to the value of R1.6 million (US $160,000) were provided by the DTI to the fishing co-operatives of Ocean View and Masiphumelele in Cape Town, in order to enable those communities to generate their own capital (potentially R1.8 million, or US $180 000, annually according to the DTI), it had already funded 39 such co-operatives.

    Notwithstanding initiatives such as the Fishing Cluster Project, on a broader structural level there remained the problem of the concentration of fishing rights in the hands of a few rights holders. Due to the many artisanal fishers who were still left to operate informally, a class action case was brought against the allocation system of fishing rights. This precipitated a new small-scale fisheries policy for South Africa in 2012. Due for implementation in 2014, the new policy has a strong developmental focus. Significantly, it also promotes community fishing quotas, through the creation of legal entities representing fishing communities.

    The Fishing Cluster Project together with the new small-scale fisheries policy begin to address the longstanding capital and access rights challenges of fishing communities. Senior lecturer and fisheries expert at the Institute for Poverty, Land and Agrarian Studies, Dr. Moeniba Isaacs, makes several recommendations to further strengthen fishing ‘communities’. First, the new small-scale fisheries policy should protect access to snoek for small-scale fishers only, securing fisher livelihoods and food security for poor communities. Second, it should develop local fish markets (investing in proper cold chains and improved sanitation), which local consumers should be encouraged to support. Third, strong community-based organizations need to be developed to provide agency to poor fishers.

    Fig. 1: A landing site. Fig. 2: Snoek sellers operate informally from “bakkies” (pick-up trucks) without cold chain facilities.

    Widya Anggraini, Jakarta Community Manager

    Jakarta Utara merupakan salah satu dari lima kota di Jakarta yang keseluruhan bagiannya merupakan daerah pesisir. Secara historis Jakarta berkembang melalui wilayah ini sebab keberadaan pelabuhan utama bagi Kerajaan Tarumanegara, sebutan Jakarta dahulu kala, memungkinkan Jakarta melakukan aktivitas ekonomi dengan berbagai daerah dan berkembang seperti saat ini. Secara administratif, Jakarta memiliki enam kecamatan dengan beragam potensi perikanan laut. Salah satu daerahnya adalah Muara Angke di Kecamatan Penjaringan yang dikenal sebagai desa nelayan dan rumah bagi hutan asli mangrove. Beragam masalah kini hadir di daerah tersebut dikarenakan berkurangnya jumlah nelayan dan hasil produksi mereka karena sulitnya modal dan kekhawatiran kehilangan ladang karena proses reklamasi di Pantai Utara yang rencananya akan dijadikan permukiman. Untuk itu pemerintah saat ini telah melaksanakan sebuah program Pemberdayaan Ekonomi Masyarakat Pesisir (PEMP) dan rencana menjadikan kampung nelayan menjadi daerah wisata. Selain itu berbagai Lsm penggiat lingkungan melakukan advokasi penyelamatan hutan mangrove di Jakarta.

    Muara Angke terletak di kelurahan Kapuk Muara yang terkenal dengan kampung nelayannya, palabuhan dan tempat pelelangan ikan. Menurut Dinas Peternakan, perikanan dan Kelautan Jakarta jumlah nelayan di Jakarta Utara kian tahun kian menurun terutama disebabkan kenaikan konstan bahan bakar minyak. Sehingga banyak dari mereka tidak melaut dengan alasan biaya tinggi dan merugikan nelayan. Untuk ini pemerintah telah mempersiapkan sebuah program pemberdayaan bagi masyarakat nelayan melalu PEMP yang bertujuan untuk meningkatkan kapasitas sumber daya manusia pesisir dalam mengelola potensi laut dan mendorong munculnya kelompok-kelompok pendukung pengelolaan sumberdaya laut dan pantai. Program ini menyediakan dana hibah untuk penguatan koperasi nelayan atau dikenal sebagai Dana Ekonomi Produktif untuk mengatasi kesulitan permodalan nelayan. Dana ini diberikan pada nelayan kecil dan pembudidaya ikan-ikan kecil serta koperasi perikanan. Skema kredit disediakan dengan bunga rendah dan cara yang tidak rumit. Pada awalnya, dana langsung diberikan pada koperasi nelayan, namun kini dilakukan melalui lembaga perbankan. PEMP memberikan manfaat bagi nelayan dalam permodalan dan meningkatkan produksi mereka. Untuk selanjutnya PEMP ini akan dileburkan dalam program pemerintah yang lain bernama PNPM Mandiri Kelautan dan Perikanan.

    Sementara itu, selain terkenal sebagai kampung nelayan dan pasar ikan, Muara Angke juga merupakan rumah bagi hutan mangrove terakhir di Jakarta. Kawasan hutan ini memiliki suaka margasatwa, hutan lindung dan taman wisata dengan berbagai spesies binatang yang dilindungi didalamnya. Kini pemerintah berencana mereklamasi pesisir pantai utara yang rencananya akan digunakan sebagai wilayah permukiman. Jika proyek ini terus dilakukan, makan wilayah tersebut akan kehilangan hutan mangrove, spesies ikan, kerang dan binatang laut lainnya. Selain itu dikhawatirkan banjir akan selalu melanda Jakarta Utara. Yayasan lingkungan seperti Yayasan Kehati meluncurkan program ‘Merajut Sabuk Pesisir Hijau Indonesia’ dengan menanam mangrove di pesisir Pantai Utara dan Selatan Pulau Jawa. Saat ini telah terkumpul lebih dari 100.000 bantang mangrove untuk disebar di beberapa kawasan dan ditanam bersama mitra-mitra Kehati.

    Secara keseluruhan, berbagai upaya mempertahankan upaya agar Muara Angke tetap berfungsi sebagai kampung nelayan dan mensuplai kebutuhan ikan kota-kota di wilayah Jakarta telah dilakukan melalui upaya kemudahan memperoleh akses ke modal, pelatihan bagi nelayan untuk memanfaatkan hasil laut, pembangunan sarana dan prasarana penunjang pelabuhan laut serta di saat yang sama masyarakat peduli lingkungan mendukung dengan penanaman mangrove dan upaya advokasi seperti yang dilakukan LSM Koalisi Rakyat untuk Keadilan Perikanan yang menolak upaya reklamasi Pantai Utara.

    Foto: stephane.puron

    Widya Anggraini, Jakarta Community Manager

    North Jakarta is one of the five towns in Jakarta consisting entirely of coastal areas. Historically, Jakarta started to grow because of the presence of a major port in the Tarumanegara Kingdom, a place of yore that stirred economic activity in the various regions and enabled them to flourish. Jakarta has six districts with diverse marine fisheries. One region in the Penjaringan District is Muara Angke, known as a fishing village and home to the original mangrove forest. Various problems are now present in the area — the decreasing number of fishermen and the drop in production stem from the difficulty of raising capital and the concern over losing farmland, as there are plans for the North Coast to be transformed into a residential settlement. To that end, the government has developed Pemberdayaan Ekonomi Masyarakat Pesisir (the Coastal Community Economic Empowerment program, or PEMP) and plans to transform fishing villages into tourist destinations. In addition, a variety of environmental activist groups are advocating the preservation of mangrove forests in Jakarta.

    The Muara Angke area is located in the Kapuk Muara region, famous for its fishing villages, ports and fish markets. According to the Department of Livestock and Fisheries, the number of fishermen in North Jakarta is diminishing yearly due to constant increases in the price of oil. Many have abandoned the profession due to its high costs and unprofitable nature. Hence, the government has prepared the PEMP program which aims to increase the capacity of human resources to unleash the potential of coastal regions and to encourage the emergence of marine and coastal resource management and support groups. This program provides grants to strengthen fishing cooperatives, also known as the Productive Economy Fund (Dana Ekonomi Produktif), to overcome the difficulties of raising capital. These funds are given to farmers, fishermen, and small fishing cooperatives. Its credit scheme provides simple, low-interest loans. In the beginning, the funds were given directly to the fishing cooperatives, but it is now handled through banking institutions. The PEMP program benefits fishermen in raising capital and increasing their production. In the future, the program will be merged with another government program, the PNPM Mandiri Marine and Fisheries.

    In addition to its fame for its fishing village and fish markets, Muara Angke is also home to the last mangrove forest in Jakarta. The forest area has wildlife reserves, nature and tourist park reserves with various species of animals protected within them. Currently, the government plans to reclaim the North Coast and transform it into a residential area. If the project continues, the region will lose its mangrove forests and several species of fish, shellfish and other marine animals. There are fears that North Jakarta will therefore always experience flooding. Environmental groups such as the Biodiversity Conservation Trust Fund launched a “Knitting the Green Indonesian Coastal Belt” program that plants mangroves in the North Coast and South Beach of Java. Currently, more than 100,000 mangrove trunks have been collected to be deployed in some areas and planted with their partners.

    In sum, various efforts to enable Muara Angke to function as a fishing area and to supply the fishing needs of cities in Indonesia have been carried out through programs that increase ease of access to capital, train fishermen to profit from their marine activities, and construct seaport infrastructure and facilities. At the same time, efforts have been made by a concerned community that not only wants to preserve its environment by planting mangroves, but also encourages advocacy efforts by environmental organizations such as Koalisi Rakyat untuk Keadilan Perikanan (the People’s Coalition for Fishing Justice), which refuses to allow the reclamation of the North Coast.

    Photo: stephane.puron

    Felix Nyamedor, Accra City Community Manager

    The food security situation in Accra is a major concern to the government, civil society organisations, and development partners. Food security covers availability, accessibility, ultilisation, production, and affordability of food as classified by the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO). This article looks specifically at food affordability in Accra, as the price of food poses problems to more than half of the city’s population.

    Though Accra is a coastal city, the limited production of crops and fishing provides for only a quarter of the population, so the city depends on transported food from the outskirts of Ghana. The cost of transporting food has raised the cost of food so much that the average person in Accra finds it difficult to eat a balanced three square meals a day. Over-fishing has resulted in dwindling catches that fail to meet residents’ protein needs. The large youth population causes a high dependency ratio, which increases the average household expenditure on food. Many former farmers are those who migrated to Accra, increasing the demand for food in the city while also reducing available labour for food production in the countryside. Climate change and over-dependence on rain irrigation are other significant contributors to the food production, and therefore affordability challenges.

    The current depreciation of the Ghanaian Cedi compared to other major currencies has worsened the price index of imported foods. Prices of imported foods like sardines, rice, and oil have increased more than 10 percent in the beginning of 2014 alone. There is therefore the need to increase local production of food while limiting imports.

    The Ministry of Food and Agriculture and the Accra Metropolitan Assembly are working to ensure that opportunities are created for actors along the production-to-marketing chain of food production. This is done through trainings on processing techniques of perishable food items to help reduce post-harvest losses in rural areas for transportation to the cities. The livestock industry is promoted through the Livestock Development Project to avail quality and affordable meat products for consumption to meet residents’ protein needs and to help promote home gardening in the metropolis to augment household needs. The government of Ghana also developed a motivation package with the Youth In Agriculture programme to motivate young people to counteract the ageing farmer population in order to facilitate sustainability in agriculture production. The average age of farmers in Ghana is 55 years old, and life expectancy averages between 55 and 60 years. The program also aims to promote urban food production through technological innovations. The challenge of this policy has been its implementation.

    One organisation that is also promoting urban agriculture and the affordability of quality agriculture produce for urban residents is the Resource Centres on Urban Agriculture and Food Security, the RUAF Foundation. The RUAF Foundation provides crops and vegetable sales points called CitiVeg points all across the city for easy accessibility and affordability.

    Moreover, the FAO in Ghana is helping provide technical support to promote urban agriculture and ensure the availability of quality and affordability food to meet the MDG targets on food security for Ghana.

    Photo credit: GNA

    Carlin Carr, Mumbai Community Manager

    Mumbai has 149 kilometers of coastline — an enormous asset but also one of the city’s greatest vulnerabilities. After the 2004 tsunami that caused widespread devastation across Southeast Asia, coastal cities began to reevaluate their resiliency in the face of another major storm. Areas that weathered the tsunami best were those with thriving mangroves, a natural buffer between the land and sea. Mangroves protect the “assault of the sea on land,” according to the Soonabai Pirojsha Godrej Marine Ecology Centre, which supported the protection of Mumbai’s mangroves. The Centre describes these vibrantly diverse ecosystems as “more dynamic than the sea itself.”

    However, the city’s natural coastal protector has been under severe threat in recent decades. “It has been estimated that Mumbai lost about 40 percent of its mangrove between 1995 and 2005,” says a recent article on the mangroves. The destruction of the rich forest and estuaries started during the British era when the mangroves were being chopped down and filled in to reclaim land. In the ever-growing Mumbai of today, the rapid deterioration of these important natural barriers has continued. The article says the mangroves are now being lost to all the major development in the city — “golf courses, amusement parks, sewage and garbage dumps, buildings, and other modern structures like the Bandra-Worli Sea-Link.”

    One of the cities well-known group of environmental activists, Bombay Environmental Action Group (BEAG), led the way in protecting urban mangroves. The rich forest and estuaries, which not only act as coastal barriers but also as breeding grounds for a wide variety of fish, came under the protection of the state after a Supreme Court order was passed in 2006. The order has helped preserve these vital ecosystems, and Mumbai and surrounding areas now have 5,800 hectares of mangrove land designated as protected forests and 26,000 hectares of coastal land in the state has also been identified to come under the Court’s protection. The move is not only smart resiliency planning, but can also be considered good economics. “Healthy mangrove forests can be valued anywhere between $2000-9000 per hectare,” says an article that argues that saving the mangroves actually saves the city coffers as well. “By preserving mangrove forests, the city of Mumbai has saved itself about $52 million every year.”

    Mumbai’s fisherman, the Kolis — known as the native people of Mumbai — have also begun to understand the connection between the mangroves and their fishing livelihoods. In response, a group of Mumbai fisherman formed an NGO called Sree Ekvira Pratisthan to protect more than 1,000 hectares of mangroves in their area northern area of the city. The organization educates other fisherman on the importance of the mangroves and fights to stop builders trying to prey on the mangrove’s untouched land — valuable pockets in a land-starved city.

    As “resiliency” becomes a key term in the age of global warming and more natural destruction is waged on some of the world’s biggest cities — take Hurricane Sandy in NYC, for example — nature has provided many coastal cities with an important barrier. No technology can replicate what the mangroves do. Protecting these areas is one of the most important aspects to developing climate change resiliency in India’s economic capital on the sea, and appropriate priority must be given to their importance in the urban landscape.

    Photo credit: Senorhorst Jahnsen

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    By 2030, the global demand for water will exceed supply by 40 percent. What does this mean for the future of cities and their residents? With ever-increasing competition for clean water among industries, agriculture, and urban populations, cities like Bogotá, Dhaka, Delhi, and Rio de Janeiro are implementing much-needed initiatives to improve universal access to water and to protect vital waterways. From a 10,000-person march for river restoration to government subsidies for low-income residents, citizens, NGOs, and government authorities are waking up to the water crisis and taking action. Read on to find out more, and then share your thoughts in the discussion below.

    Jorge Bela, Gestor Comunitario de Bogotá

    El agua de Bogotá es potable y deliciosa, algo excepcional en las grandes ciudades de América latina. Esto se debe a su proximidad a abundantes fuentes de agua, especialmente los páramos de Chingaza y Sumapaz, y a una buena gestión del recurso. La mayor parte del agua consumida actualmente proviene de la represa de Chingaza, ubicada a unos 50 kilómetros de Bogotá. Sin embargo, la misma proximidad de la mega urbe supone un riesgo para los frágiles ecosistemas de los páramos: Sumapaz comienza en el mismo término municipal de la capital. Aunque la capacidad de suministro actual se estima suficiente a medio plazo, a largo plazo será necesario construir nuevas represas y canalizaciones, proyectos técnicamente complejos y que probablemente generarán fuertes controversias por su impacto ambiental.

    La gestión del suministro del agua corresponde a la Empresa del Acueducto de Bogotá, una entidad pública. Siguiendo es esquema de subsidios basados en los estratos, los habitantes de los barrios con mayores recursos económicos (5 y 6) pagan un sobreprecio que es utilizado para subvencionar a los estratos con menores recursos: el estrato 1 paga el 30 por ciento del costo del agua, el 2 un 40 por ciento y el 3 un 75 por ciento, en todos los casos con un límite de 20m3 por periodo de cobro (el estrato 4 paga el valor real del agua). Este sistema de subsidios es deficitario, y la propia Empresa del Acueducto, que no paga utilidad al municipio, asume el déficit con sus propios recursos.

    A partir de febrero de 2012, Bogotá estableció mediante decreto el derecho a un mínimo vital de agua, un derecho reconocido por las Naciones Unidas mediante la Resolución 64/292 de 28 de julio de 2010. El decreto establece que para los estratos 1 y 2, los primeros 12m3 consumidos en cada periodo de facturación serán suministrados de forma gratuita. A partir de dicho consumo se aplicarán las tarifas habituales para dichos estratos. Esta cuota supone una asignación gratuita de unos 50 litros por persona y día, lo que está dentro de los criterios que se manejan habitualmente para estimar un consumo mínimo de agua en un entorno como Bogotá. El costo de la medida para el año 2012 fue de 71 000 millones de pesos (unos $35 millones de USD al cambio actual), según datos del Distrito. Esta cantidad fue íntegramente cubierta con fondos del propio Distrito.

    Aunque la medida ha sido bien recibida entre la mayoría de los expertos como un avance en la implementación de la resolución de las Naciones Unidas, no ha estado libre de controversia. Un punto cuestionado es la limitación del mínimo vital a dos estratos: una asignación del mínimo vital debería incluir todos los ciudadanos, independientemente de sus circunstancias personales. Pero quizá la cuestión de mayor envergadura que se suscita sea la realidad de numerosos municipios colombianos que no disponen de la capacidad financiera para asignar este mínimo vital. Aunque escapa del ámbito de Bogotá, la solución a este problema sería el establecimiento de un fondo nacional destinado a este fin.

    Jorge Bela, Bogotá Community Manager

    Tap water in Bogotá is safe to drink, something that is unusual in most large Latin American cities. This is due to the proximity of vast water sources, in particular the Chingaza and Sumapaz paramos (a particular ecosystem that exists in the Andean highlands), and to good management of the water supply. Most of the water comes from the Chingaza reservoir, located less than 50km from Bogotá. However, this proximity, although beneficial to the mega-city, implies serious threats to the fragile paramo ecosystems. Sumapaz, for example, starts within Bogotá’s city limits and can be reached by urban buses. Although the current infrastructure brings enough capacity for the medium term, long-term demands will require the building of new dams and pipelines. These projects are technically complex and their environmental impact makes them politically difficult.

    The city-owned Empresa del Acueducto de Bogotá is in charge of running and maintaining the water supply. Following the system of estratos, the households located in the most affluent neighborhoods (referred to as estrato 5 and 6) pay a surcharge for the water they consume. Households in estrato 1 pay only 30 percent of the cost, those in estrato 2 pay 40 percent, and those in estrato 3 pay 85 percent, in all cases up to a limit of 20m3, above which they pay full price. This system generates a deficit, which is wholly covered by the Empresa del Acueducto, which in turn pays no utility to the City.

    In February 2012, the City established quotas of free water for the households located in estratos 1 and 2, citing the fact that the United Nations recognizes the right to continuous and sufficient water supply. Under this system, the first 12m3 consumed will be free of charge. Once this amount is used, regular billing methods apply. This allowance amounts to about 50 liters per day per person, which is within the guidelines issued by the United Nations. This program had a cost of 71,000 million COP (about $35 million USD at current exchange rates) in 2012, wholly funded with city resources.

    Even though the program has been well received by most experts, it has stirred up some controversy. Critics argue that the right to water should apply to all citizens, and not only to those that meet certain criteria. Perhaps a more poignant criticism is the fact that most Colombian towns, even some surrounding Bogotá, lack the resources to implement programs like this. The only way to insure the right to water in Colombia would be the creation of a national program that could fund initiatives like Bogotá’s in cities that are unable to do it by themselves.

    কল্পনা ভাট্টারি এবং প্রিয়াঙ্কা শ্রেষ্ঠা, অনুবাদকঃ ফারজানা নওশিন এবং নুসরাত ইয়াসমিন

    পৃথিবীর তিন চতুর্থাংশ জুড়ে বিস্তার করা পানি জীবনের মূল মাধ্যম। বছরে ২০০০ মিলি বৃষ্টিপাত এবং তিনটি প্রধান নদীর পাশে অবস্থিত হয়েও বিশাল নগর ঢাকা এখন পর্যন্ত নগরবাসীদের নিরাপদ পানির সরবরাহ দিতে পারে নাই। সমগ্র ঢাকায় প্রায় ১৬ কোটি মানুষের (যা প্রতি বছর ৫% হারে বাড়ছে) পানি সরবরাহ এবং নিকাশী সেবার দায়িত্ব একটি মাত্র সংস্থা “ঢাকা পানি সরবরাহ এবং পয়নিস্কাশন কর্তৃপক্ষ” (ডি.ডব্লিউ.এ.এস.এ) এর উপর নিয়োজিত, তাই তাদের জন্য সবসময় পানির গুণগত মান এবং পরিমান রক্ষা করা সম্ভব হয়ে ওঠে না।

    তীব্র ঘাটতি এবং প্রতিযোগিতার মুখে সামঞ্জস্যহীন ভাবে পানি সমস্যার শিকার হয় শহরের দরিদ্র জনসংখ্যা। উদাহরণ সরূপ, ডব্লিউ এইচ ও এর মতে পানিতে আর্সেনিকের সর্বচ্চ মাত্রা ০.০১ মিলি গ্রাম/ লিটার, কিন্তু বাংলাদেশে আর্সেনিকের সর্বচ্চ মাত্রা ০.০৫ মিলি গ্রাম/ লিটার, যা ডব্লিউ.এইচ.ও এর তুলনায় অনেক বেশী। বাংলাদেশের ৭৭-৯৫ মিলিয়ন মানুষ অনুমোদিত সীমার বেশী আর্সেনিক সমৃদ্ধ পানি পান করে। আর্সেনিক সমস্যা মূলত দেখা যায় বস্তি, বন্যা প্রবণ, অপরিকল্পিত নিষ্কাশন ব্যবস্থা এবং আবর্জনা সমৃদ্ধ এলাকা সমূহে, তাই শহরের দরিদ্র মানুষেরা আর্সেনিক সমস্যায় বেশী আক্রান্ত হয়।

    শহরের দরিদ্র মানুষদের মৌলিক সুবিধা প্রদানের প্রতি ঢাকা কর্তৃপক্ষের উদাসীনতাই শহুরে দরিদ্রদের সমস্যার মূল কারণ। বস্তিতে সরকারি সেবার অভাব রয়েছে এবং বস্তির মানুষেরা সরকারি কোম্পানি ছাড়া অন্যান্য প্রাইভেট সংস্থা থেকে পানি ক্রয় করে থাকে। ফলস্বরূপ, ঢাকার এই গরীব জনসংখ্যা তাদের আয়ের ৫০% শতাংশই পানিবাহিত রোগের পিছনে খরচ করে।

    শহরের দরিদ্র মানুষদের পানির এই দুর্দশা দূর করতে অনেক সংস্থা পানি সরবরাহ বৃদ্ধি করার জন্য কাজ করছে যেমন ওয়াটারএইড এবং “ঢাকা পানি সরবরাহ এবং পয়নিস্কাশন কর্তৃপক্ষ” (ডি.ডব্লিউ.এ.এস.এ)।

    ওয়াটারএইড বাংলাদেশ হচ্ছে একটি আন্তর্জাতিক বেসরকারি সংস্থা যেটি শহুরে দরিদ্র অঞ্চলে বিশুদ্ধ পানি ও স্যানিটেশন সহজলভ্যতার জন্য কাজ করে। বর্তমানে, ওয়াটারএইড বিভিন্ন জেলার ৪২৬৮ টিরও বেশি গ্রাম জুড়ে, এবং ঢাকা, চট্টগ্রাম, ও খুলনা শহরগুলোর মধ্যে ৭০২টি বস্তিতে সহযোগিতা প্রদান করেছে। DWASA’র সঙ্গে একত্রিত হয়ে ওয়াটারএইড বস্তি ও দরিদ্র এলাকাগুলোতে স্যানিটেশন ও নিরাপদ পানীয় জল সরবরাহের উদ্দেশ্যে স্যানিটারি পায়খানা ও পানি উত্তোলন পয়েন্ট নির্মাণ করেছে। DWASA’র সাথে মিলিত হয়ে পানি সেবা প্রদানের কার্যকরী পন্থা অবলম্বনের মাধ্যমে প্রতিষ্ঠানটি শহুরে দরিদ্র জীবনে ভিন্নতা এনেছে।

    DWASA, একটি সেবা ভিত্তিক বাণিজ্যিক প্রতিষ্ঠান, যেটি শহুরে বস্তিতে পানি সার্ভিস কর্মসূচি বাস্তবায়নে নিয়োজিত এনজিওগুলোকে সহযোগীতা প্রদানের মাধ্যমে ঢাকার ক্রমবর্ধমান অবৈধ জনবসতির চ্যালেঞ্জ মোকাবেলার কাজ করে। এটি শহরে জল লগিং সমস্যা প্রশমনের উদ্দেশ্যে পাম্পিং স্টেশন নির্মাণ এবং নিরাপদ নিষ্কাশন ব্যবস্থার জন্য উচ্চ ক্ষমতাসম্পন্ন পানি পাম্প স্থাপন করেছে। তাছাড়া, এটি পানির পাইপলাইনে নজর রাখার মাধ্যমে বিভিন্ন ফুটো এবং অবৈধ কারণে পানি অপচয় কমাতে কাজ করে।

    তারপরও, উভয় ওয়াটারএইড এবং DWASA তাদের সেবা প্রদানের সময় কিছু চ্যালেঞ্জের সম্মুখীন হয়। অননুমোদিত জল নেটওয়ার্ক সিস্টেমের সাথে জড়িত বিশাল অবৈধ জনগোষ্ঠী নিষ্পত্তিই হচ্ছে DWASA’র প্রধান চ্যালেঞ্জ। শহুরে দরিদ্রদের মধ্যে নিরাপদ পানীয় জল সরবরাহ এই উদ্দেশ্য পূরণের জন্য, ওয়াটারএইডকে স্বায়ত্তশাসন ও সিটি কর্পোরেশনের সাথে সমন্বয়ের অভাবে আইনি অনুমতি নেয়ার সময় সমস্যার সম্মুখীন হতে হয় । তাছাড়া, অক্ষম হওয়া সত্ত্বেও পানি ব্যবহারের কারণে গরীবদের ধনীর সমানই শুল্ক প্রদান করতে হয়, যেহেতু সরকার এ ব্যাপারে কোনো প্রকার খরচ-ভাগ কৌশল তৈরী করে নি। প্রকৃতপক্ষে, তবে, ঢাকা শহরের বস্তিতে ওয়াটারএইড এবং DWASA দ্বারা প্রদানকৃত সেবা শুধুমাত্র নিরাপদ পানি সরবরাহের ক্ষেত্রেই কার্যকর হয়ে উঠেনি, পাশাপাশি তাদের সামাজিক, অর্থনৈতিক ও রাজনৈতিক অবস্থারও উন্নতি সাধন করেছে।

    Photo credit: Development Planning Unit University College London

    Kalpana Bhattarai & Priyanka Shrestha, Dhaka Community Managers

    Dhaka, a mega-city located near the three major rivers: the Ganges, Brahmaputra and Meghna, and receiving 2000mm of rainfall annually, has always struggled to provide safe water for its population. The quality and quantity of water supply is a complex issue for Dhaka, since the entire city’s water supply and sewage services are allocated to one single authority, the Dhaka Water Supply and Sewerage Authority (DWASA), which must serve an immense population of 16 million that is growing at an annual rate of around five percent.

    In the face of increased scarcity and competitiveness, the people who suffer disproportionately from the myriad problems of water contamination in Dhaka are the urban poor. For instance, the maximum permissible limit of arsenic for Bangladesh is 0.05 mg/l, significantly higher than the WHO’s safe limit of 0.01 mg/l. It is found that 77-95 million people in Bangladesh drink water contaminated with more arsenic than the permissible limit. Since problems of arsenic are found in areas of slum settlements, flood-prone, poor-drainage, and limited formal garbage disposal areas, the urban poor are most affected by the high spread of diseases.

    The negligence of the Dhaka authority to provide basic water facilities to the urban poor is the primary reason for this vulnerability. Slum residents lack public services and therefore must purchase their water supply from the private sector. The poor community in Dhaka consequently spends almost 50 percent of their monthly income on health costs related to water-borne diseases.

    Organizations such as WaterAid Bangladesh and the DWASA are working to facilitate the urban poor’s access to safe water. WaterAid Bangladesh is an international non-governmental organization that works for the accessibility of safe water and sanitation in poor urban areas. WaterAid has served over 4,268 villages across different districts, and 702 different slum communities in the cities of Dhaka, Chittagong, and Khulna. Collaborating with the DWASA, WaterAid has built sanitary latrines and water points in slums and poor neighborhoods to provide sanitation and safe drinking water. The organization is effective in delivering water services largely by partnering with DWASA in framing water supply guidelines.

    DWASA, the government water provider, must work to overcome the challenge of growing informal settlements in Dhaka by cooperating with NGOs in implementing water-service programs. It has built pumping stations to mitigate the water logging problem in the city and has set up high-power water pumps to arrange safe drainage systems. DWASA further plans to set up a new pipeline model system throughout the city. Moreover, it works to reduce the non-revenue water and other water loses due to leakage and illegal matters by scrutinizing the water pipelines in the city.

    Naturally, both WaterAid and DWASA experience ongoing challenges. The presence of informal settlements with unauthorized water systems is a main challenge for DWASA. WaterAid faces problems due to legal permission and the lack of autonomy and coordination with city corporations. Moreover, the poor must pay the same tariff as the rich for water consumption as the government has not developed any comprehensive cost-sharing strategy. However, WaterAid and DWASA are improving their work for the slums of Dhaka by bolstering the depth of their services, coordinating with one another, and recognizing the important link between access to safe water and residents’ quality of life.

    Photo credit: Development Planning Unit University College London

    Priyanka Jain, Delhi Community Manager

    In Indic mythology, there once was a time when cowherds had shunned the water in the bend of the holy River Yamuna near Vrindaban. The water had become lethal due to the poison spat out each day by a dreaded, multi-hooded snake called Kaliyā. One day Krisha, an incarnation of divine god Vishnu, danced on the hood of Kaliyā. The dance subdued the serpent and it left for the ocean on the command of Krishna. Today, another “Kaliyā” treads the water of the River Yamuna. The lack of political will and concern on the part of the civilian population has made the water lethal and shriveled the river’s ecosystem.

    The River Yamuna originates at the Yamunotri Glacier in the Himalayas. It travels for 1,376 km through the Ganga River Basin before joining the River Ganges and flowing into the Indian Ocean. But within a distance of 224 km from its source the river is dissected at five barrages and 90 percent of its water is diverted for irrigation and domestic uses. The ever-growing need for more water gulps down every single drop of water in the River Yamuna before it leaves Delhi. Whatever flows in the downstream of Wazirabad barrage — where the river enters the capital — is the untreated or partially treated wastewater. The toxins have polluted the ground water and soil and entered our food chain through the vegetables grown on the banks.

    The UN has declared River Yamuna a “dead river” beyond Delhi. Our narrow understanding of a river and the integral role of its ecosystem to our lives has ignored the demise of the single most valuable resource of our city. The poison of our sheer apathy has turned the water of the River Yamuna — described as ‘clear blue’ in 1909 by The Imperial Gazetteer of India — into pure black sewage. We once had a relationship of empathetic oneness and love with the river, which was integral to our spiritual, cultural, and ecological world. It now flows as a mark of shame along the so-called seven cities of Delhi, the banks of the pilgrimage towns of Braj, and the celebrated Taj Mahal. We need to recuperate the perception of oneness so that we may engage with the river’s desperate condition.

    We have shown concern starting with the Yamuna Muktikaran Padyatra in 2013. The march attracted 10,000 people who marched for 11 days, connecting with the locals, making the issue urgent, and more importantly, waking some slumbering politicians. We can’t afford to go in slumber again. Let us subdue “Kaliyā” and revive the River Yamuna once again, joining hands with innumerable organizations working for decades around Yamuna. One such organization is Swechha, a youth-focused NGO operating from Delhi. It has been raising awareness about the pitiable state of Yamuna through the We for Yamuna campaign and the Yamuna Yatra program since 2001.

    Another organization, the Yamuna Network, has been working for over seven years now to raise relevant issues before all concerned in and outside of the government. It is a civil society consortium consisting of eight NGOs: Toxics Link, Paani Morcha, Yamuna Jiye Abhiyaan, LIFE, Ridge Bachao Andolan, CMS Environment, Matu Jan Sangathan, and PEACE Institute. It’s only the dance of the civilians that can subdue the greedy, callous and apathetic attitude of the state towards our rivers and rejuvenate River Yamuna. Let us look at a river as an ecosystem and not as a resource to be exploited in the never-ending competition for water.

    Photo credit: India Water Portal

    Eliana Barbosa, Coordenadora da Rede em Rio de Janeiro

    Na competição por água no Rio de Janeiro as zonas Norte e Oeste — mais carentes que a famosa Zona Sul — estão claramente perdendo.

    A cidade enfrenta um dos verões mais quentes dos últimos tempos e alguns bairros tiveram seu fornecimento de água intermitente por semanas nesse Janeiro, devido em parte à falta de reservatórios em larga escala e à manutenção incipiente na rede de fornecimento.

    A falta de água no verão, ironicamente a estação no ano em que mais chove, não é novidade em cidades balneário, que tem um aumento no número de turistas durante o período de festas e férias escolares. Entretanto esse verão foi mais quente e seco que de costume, levando a um aumento no consumo de água da ordem de 200 por cento, de acordo com a CEDAE, empresa pública de saneamento do Rio. As casas deveriam ter reservatório próprio, para compensar a intermitência no fornecimento, o que nem sempre acontece nos bairros mais afastados.

    De acordo com o jornal O Globo, apenas 16 por cento da verba de 2013 para a manutenção da rede de distribuição foi usada e, como consequência, as zonas carentes são as mais afetadas. Manutenção é palavra-chave no Rio, já que a topografia ingrime cria diversos desafios à distribuição. Existem mais de 1200 bombas elétricas na cidade, com a finalidade de vencer a topografia garantindo a distribuição da água, entretanto os constantes apagões não contribuem para a eficácia do sistema. Os “gatos”, conexões informais presentes nas comunidades do Rio, também são um problema para a distribuição.

    O abastecimento de água é de responsabilidade pública na maioria das cidades brasileiras, que operam através de empresas públicas sob tutela do Estado, trabalhando em parceria com as secretarias municipais. Os fundos, entretanto, provém muitas vezes de repasses federais. As construções e grandes reparos e, muitas vezes, a própria manutenção são realizados por empresas privadas contratadas através de licitações que acontecem anualmente, mediante previsão orçamentária. A lei brasileira de licitações prevê a contratação das empresas que oferecem o menor valor para cada determinado serviço, não necessariamente primando pela qualidade. Democrático, porém burocrático, o sistema leva a ineficiência da oferta de serviços públicos relacionados ao saneamento e à eletricidade.

    A falta de água nesse verão chamou a atenção do Procon-RJ, que criou uma operação especial chamada “Vidas Secas” — remetendo ao célebre romance de Graciliano Ramos passado no sertão nordestino — através da qual uma unidade móvel percorreu bairros afetados na Zona Norte e Oeste da cidade. A operação criou um canal direto de comunicação para os habitantes prestarem queixa acerca do serviço de fornecimento de água e em três dias recolheu 59 queixas, permitindo que o PROCON – RJ acionasse e penalizasse a CEDAE, aplicando multa diária até que o serviço normalize.

    Enquanto as autarquias se desentendem, a falta de água tem sido contornada pelos próprios habitantes. Vê-se um movimento constante de pessoas carregando baldes e latões pelas ruas. Alguns grupos se organizaram para comprar bombas d’água e caminhões pipa, outros constroem poços artesianos e estruturas para coletar água das chuvas quando possível. Vizinhos partilham a pouca água que conseguem entre si, afinal, o Rio 40º não vai se refrescar tão cedo.

    Foto: Fernando Stankuns

    Eliana Barbosa, Rio de Janeiro Community Manager

    In the competition for water, Rio’s North and West zones — poorer than the fancy Southern zone of the city — are clearly losing.

    The city is facing one of the hottest summer seasons of the past years, and some neighborhoods’ water supply has been intermittent for weeks in the past month, due to the lack of large-scale reservoirs and maintenance of the water supply system.

    The lack of water in summertime, ironically Brazil’s wettest season, is no news, especially in cities that have an increase in tourists during summer holidays. However, this summer season was particularly dry, with temperatures far above 40º C, which led to a 200 percent increase in household water use, according to CEDAE, the city’s public company responsible for the distribution of the water supply. Inhabitants should have their own reservoir to compensate for the intermittence of the provider, but these are not common in the less wealthy areas of the city.

    According to the newspaper O Globo, the municipality used only 16 percent of the 2013 budget for the maintenance of the distribution network; and the most affected neighborhoods are the poorest ones. Maintenance is a key issue in Rio, since the city’s steep topography creates several challenges in relation to the water distribution. There are more than 1,200 pumping systems in the city, most of them running on electricity. The constant problems in the electric supply damage the system as well.

    Another problem is the illegal connections to the systems. Most of the favelas in Rio don’t have an official system for water supply, so the residents create informal connections to the network, which eventually leads to general network issues.

    The water supply system in most Brazilian cities is the responsibility of the government, which operates through public companies at the state level, forging partnerships with the municipality’s secretariats. The funds, however, usually come from the Federal government. Construction or repairs can only be implemented via a bidding process in which private construction and maintenance firms are hired at lower price, according to the current Brazilian law. This very intricate bureaucratic system leads to inefficiency in the offering of public services related to sanitation — water and sewage — and electricity.

    This summer water shortage calls the attention of the consumer defense authority in Rio, which created a special operation called Operações Vidas Secas (the “Dry Lives Operation”), in reference to a very well-known Brazilian novel about life in the semi-desert areas of the northeast of the country. The operation created a direct channel for the inhabitants to complain about the water shortage, in which a mobile unit passes by the affected neighborhoods and the inhabitants can file an official complaint. According to the consumer defense authority, in three days of operation, 59 complaints were made, which enables the authority to penalize CEDAE — the public water company — with a daily fine until the services are normalized.

    While municipal and public authorities dispute, the water shortage in the northern and western areas of Rio is being partially solved by its inhabitants. There is a constant movement back and forth of people carrying water in gallon containers and small reservoirs. Some group together to buy new water pumps and hire a water truck; others construct wells or adapt their houses to collect rain water whenever possible. After all, the temperature in sunny 40ºC Rio is not going to cool down anytime soon.

    Photo credit: Fernando Stankuns