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  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    In cities around the world, children are at especially high risk for various forms of physical and mental abuse, including neglect, economic exploitation, and sexual violence. Consequently, civil society organizations and governments alike are using a broad range of strategies to ensure that this vulnerable demographic is protected and enabled to thrive. Initiatives include government-run crisis centers for victims of sexual abuse, the creation of stronger legal protections for children, and a campaign to stop corporal punishment in schools. Learn more about these efforts to end violence against children in Chittagong, Mexico City, Mumbai, Accra, Jakarta, and São Paulo, and then join the conversation below.

    আনশু আধিকারি, অনুবাদকঃ ফারজানা নওশিন এবং নুসরাত ইয়াসমিন

    শিশু অধিকার লঙ্ঘনের দুটি চরম প্রতিমূর্তি শিশুদের উপর যৌন নির্যাতন এবং ধর্ষণ। উভয়ই বাংলাদেশে প্রায়শই দেখা যায় এবং দুটিই গুরুতর সমস্যা হিসেবে চিহ্নিত হয়েছে। “আস্ক ডকুমেন্টেশন ইউনিট” এর একটি পরিসংখ্যানে দেখা যায় যে ২০১৩ সালের জানুয়ারী থেকে সেপ্টেম্বর মাসের মধ্যে বাংলাদেশে ৫৪ টি শিশু, ৭ থেকে ১২ বছরের মধ্যে ১০২ জন অপ্রাপ্তবয়স্ক এবং ৮৬ জন কিশোরকিশোরী ধর্ষিত হয়েছে। বলার অপেক্ষা থাকে না যে, এই পরিসংখ্যান যৌন নির্যাতনে শিকার হওয়া শিশুদের প্রকৃত সংখ্যা প্রকাশ করে না।

    যৌন নির্যাতন ও ধর্ষণের এই প্রচলন বন্ধ করার জন্য, বিশেষ করে তরুণীদের উপর যৌন নির্যাতন বন্ধ করার জন্য সরকার পুরো বাংলাদেশে ২০০১ সালে “ওয়ান স্টপ ক্রাইসিস সেন্টার (ও,এস,সি,সি)” প্রতিষ্ঠা করেছে। এই সংস্থাটি বাংলাদেশের বিভিন্ন এনজিও যেগুলো মহিলাদের দ্বারা প্রচালিত হচ্ছে এবং রয়েল ডেনিশ দূতাবাসের তত্ত্বাবধায়নে প্রচালিত হচ্ছে। চট্রগ্রামে ও,এস,সি,সি ধর্ষণ ও যৌন নির্যাতনের শিকার ব্যক্তিদের বিভিন্ন সেবা দিয়ে থাকে; উদাহরণস্বরূপ, স্বাস্থ্য সেবা, বাসস্থান পরিসেবা, সামাজিক সেবা, মানসিক স্বাস্থ্য সেবা, আইন এবং পুলিশ সহায়তা এবং ডি,এন,এ পরীক্ষা করার সেবা দিয়ে থাকে। শিশুরা তাদের সেবার বৃহত্তম গ্রাহক।

    ও,এস,সি,সি বিশেষ করে চট্রগ্রাম জেলায় শিশু অধিকার সংরক্ষণে গুরুত্বপূর্ণ ভুমিকা পালন করছে কারণ চট্রগ্রামে প্রচুর গার্মেন্টস কারখানা রয়েছে এবং এটি পাহাড় বেষ্টিত এলাকা যা কোন কোন ক্ষেত্রে শিশু অধিকার লঙ্ঘনের ঝুঁকি হিসেবে কাজ করে। গ্রাম এবং শহরের বস্তি থেকে অনেক শিশু গার্মেন্টসে কাজ করতে আসে যেখানে তারা প্রায়ই যৌন নির্যাতনের শিকার হয়। একই ভাবে পাহাড় অঞ্চলে জমি এবং সম্পত্তির অধিকার নিয়ে বাংলাদেশী অধিবাসী এবং পাহাড়ের আদি জনগোষ্ঠীর সহিংসতায় নিরুপায় শিকার হয় শিশুরা। চট্রগ্রাম রক্ষণশীল সমাজ হওয়ায় ধর্ষণের শিকার এসব শিশুরা সাধারণত লজ্জায় নিজেকেই নির্যাতনের জন্য দায়ী করে এবং সমাজ থেকে বিচ্ছিন্ন জীবনযাপন করে।

    চট্টগ্রামের ও.এস.সি.সি. অত্যাবশ্যকীয় সেবা ও আশ্রয় প্রদানের মাধ্যমে ধর্ষণের শিকার শিশুদের একটি দলের জন্য বিশেষভাবে কাজ করে যারা অসুরক্ষিত এবং যাদের অধিকার বা উপলব্ধ সেবা সম্পর্কে কোনো জ্ঞান নেই। ও.এস.সি.সি. চট্টগ্রামের মেডিকেল কলেজ হাসপাতাল গুলোতে আক্রান্ত ব্যক্তিকে যে কোনো প্রকার আবশ্যক চিকিৎসা সেবা প্রদান করে। ও.এস.সি.সি. চিকিৎসা বিশেষজ্ঞদেরকে ডাক্তারি এবং ফরেনসিক পরীক্ষা যাচাই করে দেখার জন্যও অনুরোধ করে। এছাড়াও, প্রত্যেক ও.এস.সি.সি. কেন্দ্রের আইনজীবী ও পুলিশ ব্যবস্থাপনার সমর্থন আছে যাতে কেন্দ্র নিজেই যে কোন সময় ধর্ষণ মামলা দায়ের করতে পারেন।

    সংক্ষেপে, যৌন বা ঘরোয়া নির্যাতনের শিকার শিশু (ও বয়স্কদের) এক জায়গায় বিনামূল্যে সকল গুরুত্বপূর্ণ চিকিৎসা ও সামাজিক সেবা প্রদান করাই হচ্ছে ও.এস.সি.সি.র উদ্দেশ্য। এভাবে, ধর্ষণের শিকার শিশুদের স্বাস্থ্যসেবা, বৈধ সহযোগিতা, এবং মানসিক সমর্থন দেওয়া হয় যেন তারা শিশু এবং নারী হিসাবে তাদের অহং জোরদার করতে, ধর্ষণের মানসিক ও শারিরীক আঘাত কাটিয়ে উঠতে, এবং জীবন পুনর্নির্মাণ করতে পারে। এইভাবে, ও.এস.সি.সি. নগরের দরিদ্র পরিবারগুলোকে ন্যায়বিচার চাইতে সাহায্য করে যাদের শিশু যৌন সহিংসতার শিকার। ও.এস.সি.সি. মামলা অনুসরণের পাশাপাশি বৃহত্তর দর্শকের কাছে আদালতের রায় প্রচার করার মাধ্যমে, সমাজে ধর্ষণ সম্পর্কে সচেতনতা তৈরি করে এবং ভবিষ্যতে শারীরিক ও যৌন সহিংসতা প্রতিরোধ করতে সাহায্য করে। ২০০৯ সালের শুরু থেকে এখন পর্যন্ত ও.এস.সি.সি ৮৬৫৩ বাংলাদেশী নারী ও শিশুকে সহযোগিতা প্রদান করেছে।

    যখন বাংলাদেশে শিশু যৌন সহিংসতার ইস্যু মীমাংসিত থেকে অনেক দূরে, তখন ও.এস.সি.সি. সাহায্য করে যে কিভাবে শিশুর অধিকার সরকার কর্তৃক প্রবর্তিত প্রোগ্রামের মাধ্যমে সমাধান করা যাবে। চট্টগ্রামের ও.এস.সি.সি. ক্ষক্তিগ্রস্থ শিশুদের ব্যপক মানসিক, আইনগত, এবং স্বাস্থ্যের যত্ন প্রদানের কাজ করে, কিন্তু শিশু ধর্ষণ প্রতিরোধের উপর আরও জোর স্থাপন করতে হবে।

    Photo credit: BISAP

    Anshu Adhikari, Dhaka Community Manager

    Child molestation and rape are the extreme physical embodiment of violations of children’s rights. Both have been recognized as issues in Bangladesh: the ASK Documentation Unit reported that 54 infants, 102 minors between the ages of 7 and 12, and 86 teenagers were raped in Bangladesh between January and September 2013. It goes without saying that this figure does not convey the true number of children affected by rape.

    In response to this alarming trend of sexual abuse, especially of young girls, the government of Bangladesh put in place One Stop Crisis Centres (OSCC) throughout the country in 2001. In doing so, it followed the recommendations of the Royal Danish Embassy and many NGOs that work with women’s issues. In Chittagong, the OSCC provides comprehensive support to victims of rape and domestic abuse, including health care, shelter services, social services, psychological counselling, legal and police assistance, and DNA tests. Children are one of their largest demographics of victims.

    The OSCC has played a particularly vital role in preserving children’s rights in Chittagong because the Chittagong region is filled with garment factories and is surrounded by the hill tract region: children from villages and urban slums come to work in the garment factories, where they often face mistreatment and sexual abuse. Similarly, in the hill tracts, children often become victims in the violence between Bengali settlers and hill tract ethnic groups, as these groups fight for land and property rights. In the conservative society of Chittagong, self-blame, shame, and isolation due to childhood rape are common.

    By providing all essential services and shelter to child rape victims in one accessible location, the Chittagong OSCC works specifically for a group that is extremely vulnerable and that has no knowledge of their rights or the services available. The OSCC operates at the medical college hospitals in Chittagong to give victims access to any required medical services. Medical specialists are also asked to visit the OSCC to perform clinical and forensic examinations. Alongside this medical support, every OSCC has the support of lawyers and a police constable, so that the Centre itself can file rape cases immediately.

    In short, the motive of the OSCC is to provide all crucial medical and social services to child (and adult) victims of sexual or domestic abuse free of charge and in one place. As such, victims of molestation and rape are given the health care, legal aid, and psychological support necessary to strengthen their confidence, cope with the trauma of rape, and rebuild their lives. The OSCCs thereby enable poor urban families to seek justice when their children are the victims of sexual violence. Because they follow up with cases and disseminate judicial judgments to larger audiences, OSCCs also create awareness about rape and help prevent physical and sexual violence. Since the beginning of 2009, the OSCC has served 8,653 women and children in Bangladesh.

    While the issue of sexual violence directed at children is far from solved in Bangladesh, the OSCC provides an example of how children’s rights can be explicitly addressed through a government-initiated program. Further emphasis must be placed on prevention, but the Chittagong OSCC shows the value of comprehensive psychological, legal, and health care support for child victims of abuse.

    Photo credit: BISAP

    María Fernanda Carvallo, Gestor Comunitario de Mexico D.F.

    En al año 2001 se constituyó la Red por los Derechos de la Infancia en México (REDIM). Es una sinergia de 73 organizaciones que buscan que se adopte la Convención de los Derechos de los Niños en los marcos legales de México y en el diseño de políticas públicas dirigidas a los niños.

    Entre los programas de REDIM se encuentran: la construcción de una agenda de políticas públicas sobre la infancia y sus derechos; propuestas para la legislación sobre derechos de la infancia; talleres, materiales de análisis, y producción de conocimiento dirigidos a padres, escuelas, instituciones y a la sociedad en general, y también vigilancia y defensoría de los derechos de la niñez.

    En el marco de la difusión de los derechos de la infancia, REDIM lanzó la campaña, “Las niñas también cuentan”, en la que uno de los argumentos centrales es que las mujeres que fueron víctimas de violencia en su infancia, son más propensas a serlo en la etapa adulta. La campaña se llevó a cabo a través de foros así como cápsulas y entrevistas radiofónicas difundidas en el marco del día Internacional Contra la Violencia de Género.

    Otra de las campañas, “Infancia sin violencia”, pretende visualizar y medir el fenómeno de la violencia infantil para detenerlo, a través de tres pasos. En primer lugar, difundir la situación actual de la violencia contra los niños a través de un portal web. En segundo lugar, involucrar a las personas para que compartan la información en redes sociales. Finalmente, generar un mecanismo para que la población reporte casos de violencia contra la niñez.

    Así mismo, REDIM y UNICEF generaron una iniciativa llamada “10 por la Infancia”. La iniciativa tiene medidas estratégicas para avanzar en la defensa de los derechos de las niñas, niños y adolescentes con el apoyo de las instituciones gubernamentales, congresos locales y federal, y la sociedad civil. En abril del 2013 el Jefe de Gobierno del Distrito Federal firmó el acuerdo para la adopción de los 10 pasos:

    1. Garantizar a todos los niños salud y nutrición adecuadas en la primera infancia;

    2. Asegurar el acceso a agua potable y alimentos saludables en escuelas;

    3. Otorgar actas de nacimiento gratuitas a todos los niños durante el primer año de vida;

    4. Garantizar una educación de calidad para niños y adolescentes en el país, especialmente para discapacitados;

    5. Garantizar apoyos para que los adolescentes ingresen y terminen la escuela media superior;

    6. Abrir espacios de participación para adolescentes

    7. Asegurar que los adolescentes cuenten con información y servicios de salud sexual y reproductiva;

    8. Impulsar la aprobación de la Ley Federal de Justicia para Adolescentes y su efectiva implementación;

    9. Proteger contra la violencia en la familia, la escuela y la comunidad;

    10. Presentar una iniciativa de Ley General sobre Derechos de la Infancia y la Adolescencia.

    Así mismo, respecto a las acciones de incidencia en política pública, las OSCs participantes han generado diversas propuestas de políticas, además del continuo debate y posicionamiento de las sugerencias a través del proyecto “Por una Ley de Altura”; cuyo objetivo es difundir los contenidos, efectos e impacto de la Ley General de Protección a la Niñez que fue aprobada por la Cámara de Diputados, así como las áreas que requieren reestructurase para la creación de una ley integral para una mejor protección de la niñez.

    A través de la labor de la red, se ha logrado ampliar el conocimiento sobre la infancia y sus derechos, fortalecer la capacidad de organizaciones de la sociedad civil, e impulsar mecanismos legales para garantizar el cumplimiento y respeto de los derechos de la infancia.

    Foto:

    María Fernanda Carvallo, Mexico City Community Manager

    The Red por los Derechos de la Infancia en México — REDIM (Network for Children’s Rights in Mexico) was established in 2001. It is a synergy of 73 organizations seeking to adopt the Convención de los Derechos de los Niños (Convention of Children’s Rights) in the Mexican legal framework, as well as in the design of public policies directly related to children.

    The REDIM programs include building a public policy agenda about childhood and its rights, proposals for legislation on children’s rights, and workshops for creating awareness amongst parents, schools, institutions, and society about advocacy for children’s rights.

    In an attempt to spread the word about children’s rights, REDIM launched the campaign, “Girls Count Too,” in which one of the central arguments is that women who were victims of violence during childhood are more likely to be victims of violence in adulthood. The campaign took place through forums and radio interviews, creating awareness about the International Day Against Gender Violence.

    “Childhood without Violence” is a three-step campaign that aims to visualize and measure the phenomenon of childhood violence in order to stop it. First, it spreads the word about childhood violence through an online portal. Secondly, the campaign encourages the public to share information about childhood violence on social networks. Lastly, it creates a mechanism for citizens to report cases of childhood violence.

    Furthermore, REDIM and UNICEF have launched an initiative called “10 for Childhood.” The program has strategic measures to advance the rights of children and adolescents with the support of government institutions, local and federal congresses, and civil society. In April 2013, the Head of the Federal District Government signed an agreement for the adoption of the ten points:

    1. Ensure the health and nutrition of all young children;

    2. Ensure access to safe water and healthy food in schools;

    3. Provide free birth certificates to all children during their first year of life;

    4. Ensure a quality education for children and adolescents, especially for the disabled;

    5. Ensure support for adolescents entering and completing middle and high school;

    6. Open participation spaces for adolescents;

    7. Ensure that adolescents have information and services related to sexual and reproductive health;

    8. Promote the adoption of the Federal Law of Justice for Adolescents and its effective implementation;

    9. Protect against violence in families, schools, and communities;

    10. Draft the General Law initiative protecting Children’s and Adolescents’ Rights.

    With respect to public policy advocacy, participating civil society organizations have generated diverse policy proposals and the project “Por una Ley de Altura” (“For a Height Act”), which aims to disseminate the contents, effects, and impacts of the General Law on Childhood Protection that was passed by the House of Representatives. This law also details the areas that require restructuring in order to create a comprehensive law to better protect children from violence.

    REDIM has been successful in expanding on the knowledge about children and their rights; they have also strengthened the capacity of civil society organizations, and promoted legal mechanisms to ensure compliance and respect for children’s rights.

    Carlin Carr, Mumbai Community Manager

    In February 2010, 12-year-old Rouvanjit Rawla, a student at a prestigious school in Kolkata, committed suicide after being humiliated and caned by his principal. The Rawla incident set off a firestorm of controversy over widespread accounts of corporal punishment in India’s schools — from the most elite institutions to those run by the government. The Ministry of Women and Child Development subsequently banned physical punishment of students, stating of the consequences, “The first violation of the ban will invite up to one year in jail, or a fine of Rs. 50,000 or both. For subsequent violations, imprisonment could be extended to three years with an additional fine of 25,000 rupees,” says an article on the issue. Despite the measures, reports of students continuing to receive harsh physical and verbal abuses from their superiors continue to plague India’s school system.

    A study conducted last year by the Parent-Teacher Association United Forum found that 100 percent of the 150 teachers they interviewed had used corporal punishment on their students. “The findings left school principals shocked,” says a Times of India report on the issue. The principals may not have known of the extent of the issue, because few incidents were actually being reported to them, neither by the students nor by the parents. Often, parents supported the idea of punishment by the teachers, stating that the child likely deserved it.

    Pratham, one of the country’s leading education organizations, says that violence against children in many forms has been “alarmingly” on the rise. In response, Pratham’s Council for Vulnerable Children has partnered with child’s rights groups and government bodies to launch a campaign in Mumbai called “Children First.” Though still in the works, the initiative plans to tackle violence against children in two phases. The first will focus on “creating safety nets within the community by institutionalizing existing groups like child protection vigilance groups.” This phase will also advocate for policy and legal changes to protect child rights and also raise awareness around the issues. Phase two will tackle public institutions in which children engage on a daily basis, including schools, public spaces and public transport. “We are aiming at strengthening the current action along with starting new initiatives to address the issues of quality care and abuse,” says Pratham.

    Meanwhile, Delhi High Court has taken action to protect the city’s children. In July, the court asked city officials to come up with a plan for a “zero tolerance” policy to put an end to abuses against students. The rules are to be framed and put up visibly in all schools. At the same time, teachers will need to undergo training to learn alternative actions to handle students and their classrooms. Some principals have already begun training teachers to discuss issues with students or have them write out what they did wrong.

    Schools are meant to be safe spaces, and every child has the right to learn without fear of abuse. India is not alone in the situation; in fact, corporal punishment is still legal in 20 states in the U.S. The New York Times held an online debate on the issue; since hitting is still accepted by some communities, especially in the southern states, the practices continues. What are your thoughts? Should corporal punishment be banned outright? Is there ever a place for it? How has your community handled it?

    Photo credit: Satish Krishnamurthy

    Felix Nyamedor, Accra City Community Manager

    Many of Accra’s street children are migrants from other parts of Ghana who followed others in the name of greener pastures. Other street children were trafficked to the city centre by older people and were left to fend for themselves. These children find ways to survive by engaging in activities ranging from being porters to selling goods on the street. The boys often earn money by shining shoes, pushing trucks, gathering refuse and carrying it to the dump site. Many also trade sex for money. In reaction to these alarming hardships, a number of important organizations are working to give these street children a voice, using a number of different approaches.

    The core mandate of the government-owned Osu Children’s Home is to take children from the street and provide them with appropriate care. The goal is to afford them hope for a better future and to fully reintegrate all children admitted into the home into mainstream society. After working with the children, they are reintegrated into their families. Unfortunately, this is the home’s only option, because of lack of funding and challenges in maintaining the home.

    The Hope for the Nations organization, which runs the Agape Children’s Home, represents another model. The program rescues children from street life and provides foster parents to care for them. Each child lives in a separate family unit with foster parents and up to six other children. The children interact with the rest of the home’s community on a daily basis, and communication with relatives is encouraged to give support to the children.

    Plan Ghana and the Street Children Empowerment Foundation work together to organize events for street children to discuss “streetism,” its causes, effects, and solutions. Child ambassadors meet with street children to discuss these issues and how to partner to end “streetism.” Many street children in Accra have been reintegrated to their families through this process.

    A final, education-based model is put into action with The Universal Wonderful Street Academy, which takes children from the streets into classrooms, where they are educated, clothed, and fed with one meal a day at no cost.

    These organizations are using a variety of complementary approaches to provide a deserved future for Accra’s street children.

    Photo credit: Ojewsika

    Widya Anggraini, Jakarta Community Manager

    Komisi Nasional Perlindungan Anak melaporkan sedikitnya ada 2.637 kasus kekerasan terhadap anak sepanjang tahun 2012 dan 62 persen diantaranya merupakan kekerasan seksual terhadap anak dimana mayoritas korban berasal dari kalangan ekonomi menengah ke bawah. Tren kasus kekerasan terhadap anak meningkat tiap tahunnya. Tingginya angka kekerasan ini menunjukkan betapa buruknya perlindungan anak dan minimnya kebijakan yang berpihak terhadap anak. Secara nasional, negara merespon dengan mengeluarkan undang-undang perlindungan anak yang menyatakan dengan jelas bahwa negara menjamin dan melindungi anak dan hak-haknya agar dapat hidup, tumbuh, berkembang secara optimal serta mendapat perlindungan dari kekerasan dan diskriminasi. Munculnya Undang-undang ini diikuti oleh keluarnya peraturan standar minimum pelayanan terpadu bagi perempuan dan anak korban kekerasan.

    Yang menarik dari standar minimum pelayanan ini adalah kewajiban bagi tiap daerah untuk menyediakan Pusat Pelayanan Terpadu (one stop service) atau PPT untuk korban kekerasan. PPT ini sendiri akan melibatkan rumah sakit, puskesmas, unit pelayanan perempuan dan anak yang berbasis di kantor polisi, lembaga bantuan hukum, trauma center, rumah perlindungan anak (shelter) dan jejaring lain yang dapat membantu proses penyembuhan korban.

    Untuk wilayah DKI Jakarta sendiri telah membentuk Pusat Pelayanan Terpadu Pemberdayaan Perempuan dan Anak (P2TP2A). Institusi ini memiliki beragam program dan layanan termasuk Hotline service 24 jam bagi para korban, pendampingan litigasi dan non litigasi, penanganna tahap awal bagi korban, penanganan tahap lanjutan serta pendidikan bagi relawan P2TP2A tentang penanganan korban kekerasan terhadap anak dan perempuan.

    Ilustrasinya adalah seperti berikut : korban bisa melapor melalui layanan hotline 24 jam atau datang langsung ke kantor P2TP2A, setelah melalui proses registrasi maka seseorang di P2TP2A akan mencatat laporan dan memberikan masukan sebagai bagian dari rencana intervensi. Bentuk intervensi bermacam-macam tergantung keinginan dan kebutuhan korban serta masukan dari ahli. Beberapa jenis pelayanan yang tersedia adalah (1) pendampingan dan bantuan hukum dengan mitra Unit Perlindungan Perempuan dan Anak di Polda Metro Jaya dan Polres wilayah; (2) pelayanan kesehatan dengan mitra dinas kesehatan melalui rumah sakit dan puskesmas kecamatan; (3) Pelayanan Psikososial diberikan oleh psikolog klinis dari P2TP2A; (4) Pelayanan rumah aman dengan mitra dari DInas Sosial dan Departemen sosial; (5) Pemulangan dan Reintegrasi dengan mitra pemerintah daerah asal korban yang masuk dalam daftar Mitra Praja Utama di 10 provinsi.

    Menurut data P2TP2A DKI Jakarta sejak tahun 2007-2012 telah masuk total 7.726 kasus kekerasan yang dikerjakan bersama mitra. Dari total jumlah pelapor, 26 persen merupakan kasus kekerasan terhadap anak. Semua kasus tersebut diterima dan telah ditangani oleh P2TPA bersama mitra. Mengingat kasus kekerasan terhadap anak di jakarta tahun 2012 meningkat dua kali lipat dibandingkan tahun 2010 dengan modus operandi yang kian beragam maka masyarakat diimbau agar tidak segan melapor jika terjadi kekerasan anak sebab kini pelaku kekerasan, terutama kekerasan seksual, kerap adalah keluarga dekat seperti ayah kandung, ayah tiri, paman bahkan guru. Selain itu, P2TP2A juga memiliki relawan di tiap desa dan kecamatan untuk memantau dan melaporkan jika terjadi kekerasan di wilayahnya.

    Foto: Wonosobo

    Widya Anggraini, Jakarta Community Manager

    The National Commission for Child Protection reported at least 2,637 cases of violence against children in 2012 with 62 percent comprising of sexual abuse cases, in which the majority of the victims are from the middle and lower classes. Cases of child violence have seen an upward trend and are increasing each year. This high rate of violence points to the appalling state of child protection and to the lack of policies directed towards it. On a national level, the state has responded by issuing a child protection act which makes clear their guarantee to protect children and their rights in order for them to live, grow, achieve optimal development, and receive protection from violence and discrimination. The emergence of this act was followed by the issuance of minimum integrated service standard policies for women and child victims of violence.

    What is interesting about this minimum service standard is the obligation of each region to provide One Stop Service Centers (Pusat Pelayanan Terpadu, or PPT) for victims of violence. The PPT involves hospitals, health centers, women and child service units based in police stations, legal aid, trauma centers, child shelters, and other networks which assist with the victims’ healing process.

    In the Jakarta region, a One Stop Service Center for Women and Children (P2TP2A) has been established. This institution has a variety of programs and services, including a 24-hour service hotline for victims, litigation and non-litigation assistance, and handling of the early stages as well as the advanced stages of educating P2TP2A volunteers on women and child victims of violence.

    The program works as follows: the victim may make a report via the 24-hour service hotline or go directly to the P2TP2A office after undergoing a registration process, where an associate makes a record of the report and provides input as part of the intervention plan. The form of intervention varies depending on the wants and needs of the victims as well as input from the experts. Some of the types of services available are (1) mentoring and legal assistance in collaboration with the Women and Children Protection Unit in the Jakarta Police institution; (2) health services through the program’s partnerships with hospitals and district health centers, (3) psychological services provided by a clinical psychologist from P2TP2A; (4) home safety services through their partners in Social Services and the Social Department; (5) Return and Reintegration of victims through local government partners.

    According to data collected by P2TP2A and their partners, Jakarta recorded a total of 7,726 cases of violence in 2007-2012. Of the total number reported, 26 percent were cases of violence against children. All cases were received and handled by P2TP2A and their partners. Bearing in mind that in 2012, cases of violence against children in Jakarta had doubled since 2010, with an increasingly diverse modus operandi, it is recommended that the community not hesitate to report any instances of child abuse as offenders, especially sexual violence offenders, are often close relatives such as fathers, stepfathers, uncles and even teachers. To help with on-the-ground monitoring, the P2TP2A has volunteers in each village and district to monitor and report any cases of violence.

    Photo: Wonosobo

    Catalina Gomez, Coordenadora da Rede em São Paulo

    Assegurar que as crianças e adolescentes tenham seus direitos assegurados e protegidos de qualquer forma de violência deveria ser uma prioridade de todos os países. Neste sentido, Brasil vem fazendo vários esforços que envolvem a parceria entre o governo e a sociedade civil, nos níveis nacionais e municipais.

    Um dos esforços mais importantes no reconhecimento dos direitos das crianças e adolescentes tem sido a aprovação do Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente (ECA) em 1990. O ECA é um conjunto de normas que detalham os direitos das crianças e identificam os protocolos de atenção nos casos de violência, delinquência e justiça de menores.

    Baseado no ECA, as autoridades brasileiras tem criado uma rede pública de proteção ás crianças e adolescentes de qualquer forma de violência, abuso e negligencia. O ponto focal desta rede é o Conselho Tutelar, uma entidade descentralizada e autônoma, encarregada pela sociedade de zelar pelo cumprimento dos direitos da criança e do adolescente. Segundo a lei, cada município deve ter pelo menos um conselho em funcionamento.

    O ECA também detalha que cada Conselho Tutelar esteja conformado por cinco membros eleitos pela comunidade a cada três anos. Os conselheiros são posições pagas que requerem de conhecimento dos direitos das crianças. Aquele arranjo promove a participação da sociedade civil, incluindo líderes comunitários e representantes de ONGs que tem bom conhecimento de suas comunidades e suas necessidades.

    São Paulo tem vários arranjos para responder á violência contra as crianças, incluindo 44 Conselhos Tutelares localizados no todo seu território. O mandado destes conselhos é coordenar esforços entre o governo e a sociedade civil em torno aos direitos das crianças. Alguns dos principais órgãos que trabalham na rede são a policia, a Secretaria Municipal de Assistência Social e o Ministério Público.

    A cidade também tem 26 Centros de Referencia Especializada da Assistência Social (CREAS), que tem como objetivo providenciar assistência de meia e alta complexidade para as crianças e famílias vitimas de violência e abuso. Para aquelas crianças que tem sido vitimas, os CREAS providenciam conselheiros e referencia a abrigos temporários públicos sem custo.

    Bem, temos a rede e a oferta de serviços públicos que atendem casos de violência. Mais existe muito trabalho pela frente. Por exemplo, ainda é preciso gerar uma parceria mais sólida entre o governo e a sociedade civil na prevenção e atenção da violência contra as crianças. Também é uma prioridade treinar, capacitar e conceder pleno reconhecimento aos membros do Conselho Tutelar nas suas funções. Finalmente é preciso gerar maior conhecimento e compreensão sobre as varias dimensões da violência contra as crianças e suas causas para dar respostas mais eficientes e integrais.

    Catalina Gomez, São Paulo Community Manager

    Ensuring that all children and adolescents have their basic rights met and are protected from any form of violence must be a priority in every country. In Brazil, a number of efforts have been taking place over the years and involve collaboration among government institutions and civil society, both at the national and city levels.

    One of the main milestones in recognizing children’s and adolescents’ rights was the approval of the Child and Adolescent Statute in 1990. This statute compiles a series of laws and regulations spelling out the rights of children, as well as identifying the minimum standards and protocols for managing situations of violence, delinquency, and justice for minors.

    Based on the statute, Brazilian authorities created a specialized public network for child protection, not only from violence but from any form of abuse or neglect. The main focal point of this network is the Guardian Council (Conselho Tutelar). The Council is a decentralized and autonomous entity that ensures overall compliance with the rights of minors. According to the law, every city must have at least one functioning council.

    The law also mandates that each Guardian Council is formed by five elected members of the community for a period of three years. These are paid positions that require specialized knowledge of children’s and adolescents’ rights. Such arrangement promotes civil society representation in Guardian Councils, including community leaders and NGO representatives, who best know the conditions of their own communities, and the challenges faced to ensure children’s and adolescents’ well-being in their neighborhoods.

    As Brazil’s biggest city, São Paulo has several initiatives that deal with child violence. To start with, it has not one, but 44 Guardian Councils, which are located throughout the city so they can ensure adequate and localized efforts towards protecting children from violence. The Councils don’t deliver counseling or provide any direct services — instead, they coordinate efforts by government and civil society to prevent and combat child violence in the city. Some of the key actors that support the Council’s work include the police, the municipal secretariat of social assistance, and the public prosecutor.

    The city also has 26 Specialized Social Assistance Centers, known as CREAS, which support children and families that have been victims of violence and abuse. For those children, the CREAS provide counseling and references to adequate shelter services from a network of public services, all for free.

    The networks are in place, and there is a public supply of specialized services. But let’s face the truth: there are still many challenges ahead in the fight against child violence. First, there is a need for even more collaboration and support among government and civil society organizations to act at the neighborhood level in the prevention of child violence. Secondly, there is a need for more recognition and training for the Guardian Council members, who in many cases are not able to comply with their mandates due to the lack of human and financial resources. Finally, there needs to be greater knowledge and understanding of the various dimensions of violence and their root causes to provide better and more comprehensive responses.

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    This is an extract from a publication entitled “How to make planning law work for Africa”, authored by Stephen Berrisford of the African Centre for Cities and published by Africa Research Institute.

    As competition for land intensifies in Africa’s rapidly growing towns and cities, planning laws assume a fundamental importance. They determine how urban growth is managed and directed. In most countries outdated, inappropriate and unintegrated laws are exacerbating urban dysfunction.

    The reform of planning law is frequently advocated as a necessary step for better management of urbanisation in Africa. But reform initiatives consistently founder. This is inevitable, given the approaches adopted. The promotion of “one-size-fits-all” and “model” planning laws from outside the continent has not served Africa well. Invariably it has created further legal uncertainty and a series of unanticipated, often pernicious consequences.

    This Counterpoint argues that more progressive, realistic urban planning in Africa will require a radically different approach to planning law reform. This is essential for sustainable and equitable urban development in Africa.

    National and local laws, collectively referred to as planning law, play a central role in shaping the economic, social and political life of towns and cities. They regulate land use and land development, provide a sound basis for infrastructure planning, secure the rights of investors, protect environmental resources and mitigate environmental risks. Crucially, planning law determines which buildings are legal and which are not.

    Planning law has a poor record in Africa. Legislation designed to protect the public from the negative aspects of urban land development has all too often been used by the state to enhance the value of land owned by the wealthy – and to penalise and intimidate the disadvantaged. Laws to protect public spaces and facilities that enhance civic life are seldom implemented as intended. In a context of insecure and unpredictable land rights, planning law is a major fault line running through society.

    Planning law is meant to reflect and assert the public interest. This is not the reality in Africa. Land use is largely unregulated. Integrated infrastructure planning is rare. Private rights and interests are not mediated by a comprehensive legal framework. Instead, dire living conditions, diabolical traffic jams, neglected infrastructure and dangerous public spaces are the norm. Urban management is notoriously erratic and fragmented, and the overwhelming majority of buildings are constructed in contravention of planning laws. There are three principal indicators of failed planning law in urban centres:

    • The predominance of illegal structures. For the majority of Africa’s urban dwellers the costs of complying with applicable planning, building and tenure laws are so out of kilter with their household incomes that legal compliance is unimaginable.
    • The use of planning and building laws against vulnerable groups. Sudden crackdowns resulting in demolitions or evictions are commonplace. One of the best-known examples is Operation Murambatsvina, or “Drive Out the Rubbish”, carried out in Harare in 2005. The eviction of some 700,000 people in Zimbabwe’s capital and demolition of their homes was justified on the basis of the 1976 Town and Country Planning Act.
    • Inviolate elites. Wealthy and powerful elites operate largely untroubled by planning laws. Any negative impacts on neighbours or the public interest are typically ignored. This culture of impunity has created the perception that there are two laws: one for the well-to-do and another for the rest.

    Click here to read in full.

    Africa Research Institute is a non-partisan think-tank based in London. Our primary objective is to influence policy through understanding and documenting best practice within government, the economy and society in sub-Saharan Africa. We seek to draw attention to ideas and initiatives that have worked and identify new ideas where needed.

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    In cities around the world, children are at especially high risk for various forms of physical and mental abuse, including neglect, economic exploitation, and sexual violence. Consequently, civil society organizations and governments alike are using a broad range of strategies to ensure that this vulnerable demographic is protected and enabled to thrive. Initiatives include government-run crisis centers for victims of sexual abuse, the creation of stronger legal protections for children, and a campaign to stop corporal punishment in schools. Learn more about these efforts to end violence against children in Chittagong, Mexico City, Mumbai, Accra, Jakarta, and São Paulo, and then join the conversation below.

    আনশু আধিকারি, অনুবাদকঃ ফারজানা নওশিন এবং নুসরাত ইয়াসমিন

    শিশু অধিকার লঙ্ঘনের দুটি চরম প্রতিমূর্তি শিশুদের উপর যৌন নির্যাতন এবং ধর্ষণ। উভয়ই বাংলাদেশে প্রায়শই দেখা যায় এবং দুটিই গুরুতর সমস্যা হিসেবে চিহ্নিত হয়েছে। “আস্ক ডকুমেন্টেশন ইউনিট” এর একটি পরিসংখ্যানে দেখা যায় যে ২০১৩ সালের জানুয়ারী থেকে সেপ্টেম্বর মাসের মধ্যে বাংলাদেশে ৫৪ টি শিশু, ৭ থেকে ১২ বছরের মধ্যে ১০২ জন অপ্রাপ্তবয়স্ক এবং ৮৬ জন কিশোরকিশোরী ধর্ষিত হয়েছে। বলার অপেক্ষা থাকে না যে, এই পরিসংখ্যান যৌন নির্যাতনে শিকার হওয়া শিশুদের প্রকৃত সংখ্যা প্রকাশ করে না।

    যৌন নির্যাতন ও ধর্ষণের এই প্রচলন বন্ধ করার জন্য, বিশেষ করে তরুণীদের উপর যৌন নির্যাতন বন্ধ করার জন্য সরকার পুরো বাংলাদেশে ২০০১ সালে “ওয়ান স্টপ ক্রাইসিস সেন্টার (ও,এস,সি,সি)” প্রতিষ্ঠা করেছে। এই সংস্থাটি বাংলাদেশের বিভিন্ন এনজিও যেগুলো মহিলাদের দ্বারা প্রচালিত হচ্ছে এবং রয়েল ডেনিশ দূতাবাসের তত্ত্বাবধায়নে প্রচালিত হচ্ছে। চট্রগ্রামে ও,এস,সি,সি ধর্ষণ ও যৌন নির্যাতনের শিকার ব্যক্তিদের বিভিন্ন সেবা দিয়ে থাকে; উদাহরণস্বরূপ, স্বাস্থ্য সেবা, বাসস্থান পরিসেবা, সামাজিক সেবা, মানসিক স্বাস্থ্য সেবা, আইন এবং পুলিশ সহায়তা এবং ডি,এন,এ পরীক্ষা করার সেবা দিয়ে থাকে। শিশুরা তাদের সেবার বৃহত্তম গ্রাহক।

    ও,এস,সি,সি বিশেষ করে চট্রগ্রাম জেলায় শিশু অধিকার সংরক্ষণে গুরুত্বপূর্ণ ভুমিকা পালন করছে কারণ চট্রগ্রামে প্রচুর গার্মেন্টস কারখানা রয়েছে এবং এটি পাহাড় বেষ্টিত এলাকা যা কোন কোন ক্ষেত্রে শিশু অধিকার লঙ্ঘনের ঝুঁকি হিসেবে কাজ করে। গ্রাম এবং শহরের বস্তি থেকে অনেক শিশু গার্মেন্টসে কাজ করতে আসে যেখানে তারা প্রায়ই যৌন নির্যাতনের শিকার হয়। একই ভাবে পাহাড় অঞ্চলে জমি এবং সম্পত্তির অধিকার নিয়ে বাংলাদেশী অধিবাসী এবং পাহাড়ের আদি জনগোষ্ঠীর সহিংসতায় নিরুপায় শিকার হয় শিশুরা। চট্রগ্রাম রক্ষণশীল সমাজ হওয়ায় ধর্ষণের শিকার এসব শিশুরা সাধারণত লজ্জায় নিজেকেই নির্যাতনের জন্য দায়ী করে এবং সমাজ থেকে বিচ্ছিন্ন জীবনযাপন করে।

    চট্টগ্রামের ও.এস.সি.সি. অত্যাবশ্যকীয় সেবা ও আশ্রয় প্রদানের মাধ্যমে ধর্ষণের শিকার শিশুদের একটি দলের জন্য বিশেষভাবে কাজ করে যারা অসুরক্ষিত এবং যাদের অধিকার বা উপলব্ধ সেবা সম্পর্কে কোনো জ্ঞান নেই। ও.এস.সি.সি. চট্টগ্রামের মেডিকেল কলেজ হাসপাতাল গুলোতে আক্রান্ত ব্যক্তিকে যে কোনো প্রকার আবশ্যক চিকিৎসা সেবা প্রদান করে। ও.এস.সি.সি. চিকিৎসা বিশেষজ্ঞদেরকে ডাক্তারি এবং ফরেনসিক পরীক্ষা যাচাই করে দেখার জন্যও অনুরোধ করে। এছাড়াও, প্রত্যেক ও.এস.সি.সি. কেন্দ্রের আইনজীবী ও পুলিশ ব্যবস্থাপনার সমর্থন আছে যাতে কেন্দ্র নিজেই যে কোন সময় ধর্ষণ মামলা দায়ের করতে পারেন।

    সংক্ষেপে, যৌন বা ঘরোয়া নির্যাতনের শিকার শিশু (ও বয়স্কদের) এক জায়গায় বিনামূল্যে সকল গুরুত্বপূর্ণ চিকিৎসা ও সামাজিক সেবা প্রদান করাই হচ্ছে ও.এস.সি.সি.র উদ্দেশ্য। এভাবে, ধর্ষণের শিকার শিশুদের স্বাস্থ্যসেবা, বৈধ সহযোগিতা, এবং মানসিক সমর্থন দেওয়া হয় যেন তারা শিশু এবং নারী হিসাবে তাদের অহং জোরদার করতে, ধর্ষণের মানসিক ও শারিরীক আঘাত কাটিয়ে উঠতে, এবং জীবন পুনর্নির্মাণ করতে পারে। এইভাবে, ও.এস.সি.সি. নগরের দরিদ্র পরিবারগুলোকে ন্যায়বিচার চাইতে সাহায্য করে যাদের শিশু যৌন সহিংসতার শিকার। ও.এস.সি.সি. মামলা অনুসরণের পাশাপাশি বৃহত্তর দর্শকের কাছে আদালতের রায় প্রচার করার মাধ্যমে, সমাজে ধর্ষণ সম্পর্কে সচেতনতা তৈরি করে এবং ভবিষ্যতে শারীরিক ও যৌন সহিংসতা প্রতিরোধ করতে সাহায্য করে। ২০০৯ সালের শুরু থেকে এখন পর্যন্ত ও.এস.সি.সি ৮৬৫৩ বাংলাদেশী নারী ও শিশুকে সহযোগিতা প্রদান করেছে।

    যখন বাংলাদেশে শিশু যৌন সহিংসতার ইস্যু মীমাংসিত থেকে অনেক দূরে, তখন ও.এস.সি.সি. সাহায্য করে যে কিভাবে শিশুর অধিকার সরকার কর্তৃক প্রবর্তিত প্রোগ্রামের মাধ্যমে সমাধান করা যাবে। চট্টগ্রামের ও.এস.সি.সি. ক্ষক্তিগ্রস্থ শিশুদের ব্যপক মানসিক, আইনগত, এবং স্বাস্থ্যের যত্ন প্রদানের কাজ করে, কিন্তু শিশু ধর্ষণ প্রতিরোধের উপর আরও জোর স্থাপন করতে হবে।

    Photo credit: BISAP

    Anshu Adhikari, Dhaka Community Manager

    Child molestation and rape are the extreme physical embodiment of violations of children’s rights. Both have been recognized as issues in Bangladesh: the ASK Documentation Unit reported that 54 infants, 102 minors between the ages of 7 and 12, and 86 teenagers were raped in Bangladesh between January and September 2013. It goes without saying that this figure does not convey the true number of children affected by rape.

    In response to this alarming trend of sexual abuse, especially of young girls, the government of Bangladesh put in place One Stop Crisis Centres (OSCC) throughout the country in 2001. In doing so, it followed the recommendations of the Royal Danish Embassy and many NGOs that work with women’s issues. In Chittagong, the OSCC provides comprehensive support to victims of rape and domestic abuse, including health care, shelter services, social services, psychological counselling, legal and police assistance, and DNA tests. Children are one of their largest demographics of victims.

    The OSCC has played a particularly vital role in preserving children’s rights in Chittagong because the Chittagong region is filled with garment factories and is surrounded by the hill tract region: children from villages and urban slums come to work in the garment factories, where they often face mistreatment and sexual abuse. Similarly, in the hill tracts, children often become victims in the violence between Bengali settlers and hill tract ethnic groups, as these groups fight for land and property rights. In the conservative society of Chittagong, self-blame, shame, and isolation due to childhood rape are common.

    By providing all essential services and shelter to child rape victims in one accessible location, the Chittagong OSCC works specifically for a group that is extremely vulnerable and that has no knowledge of their rights or the services available. The OSCC operates at the medical college hospitals in Chittagong to give victims access to any required medical services. Medical specialists are also asked to visit the OSCC to perform clinical and forensic examinations. Alongside this medical support, every OSCC has the support of lawyers and a police constable, so that the Centre itself can file rape cases immediately.

    In short, the motive of the OSCC is to provide all crucial medical and social services to child (and adult) victims of sexual or domestic abuse free of charge and in one place. As such, victims of molestation and rape are given the health care, legal aid, and psychological support necessary to strengthen their confidence, cope with the trauma of rape, and rebuild their lives. The OSCCs thereby enable poor urban families to seek justice when their children are the victims of sexual violence. Because they follow up with cases and disseminate judicial judgments to larger audiences, OSCCs also create awareness about rape and help prevent physical and sexual violence. Since the beginning of 2009, the OSCC has served 8,653 women and children in Bangladesh.

    While the issue of sexual violence directed at children is far from solved in Bangladesh, the OSCC provides an example of how children’s rights can be explicitly addressed through a government-initiated program. Further emphasis must be placed on prevention, but the Chittagong OSCC shows the value of comprehensive psychological, legal, and health care support for child victims of abuse.

    Photo credit: BISAP

    María Fernanda Carvallo, Gestor Comunitario de Mexico D.F.

    En al año 2001 se constituyó la Red por los Derechos de la Infancia en México (REDIM). Es una sinergia de 73 organizaciones que buscan que se adopte la Convención de los Derechos de los Niños en los marcos legales de México y en el diseño de políticas públicas dirigidas a los niños.

    Entre los programas de REDIM se encuentran: la construcción de una agenda de políticas públicas sobre la infancia y sus derechos; propuestas para la legislación sobre derechos de la infancia; talleres, materiales de análisis, y producción de conocimiento dirigidos a padres, escuelas, instituciones y a la sociedad en general, y también vigilancia y defensoría de los derechos de la niñez.

    En el marco de la difusión de los derechos de la infancia, REDIM lanzó la campaña, “Las niñas también cuentan”, en la que uno de los argumentos centrales es que las mujeres que fueron víctimas de violencia en su infancia, son más propensas a serlo en la etapa adulta. La campaña se llevó a cabo a través de foros así como cápsulas y entrevistas radiofónicas difundidas en el marco del día Internacional Contra la Violencia de Género.

    Otra de las campañas, “Infancia sin violencia”, pretende visualizar y medir el fenómeno de la violencia infantil para detenerlo, a través de tres pasos. En primer lugar, difundir la situación actual de la violencia contra los niños a través de un portal web. En segundo lugar, involucrar a las personas para que compartan la información en redes sociales. Finalmente, generar un mecanismo para que la población reporte casos de violencia contra la niñez.

    Así mismo, REDIM y UNICEF generaron una iniciativa llamada “10 por la Infancia”. La iniciativa tiene medidas estratégicas para avanzar en la defensa de los derechos de las niñas, niños y adolescentes con el apoyo de las instituciones gubernamentales, congresos locales y federal, y la sociedad civil. En abril del 2013 el Jefe de Gobierno del Distrito Federal firmó el acuerdo para la adopción de los 10 pasos:

    1. Garantizar a todos los niños salud y nutrición adecuadas en la primera infancia;

    2. Asegurar el acceso a agua potable y alimentos saludables en escuelas;

    3. Otorgar actas de nacimiento gratuitas a todos los niños durante el primer año de vida;

    4. Garantizar una educación de calidad para niños y adolescentes en el país, especialmente para discapacitados;

    5. Garantizar apoyos para que los adolescentes ingresen y terminen la escuela media superior;

    6. Abrir espacios de participación para adolescentes

    7. Asegurar que los adolescentes cuenten con información y servicios de salud sexual y reproductiva;

    8. Impulsar la aprobación de la Ley Federal de Justicia para Adolescentes y su efectiva implementación;

    9. Proteger contra la violencia en la familia, la escuela y la comunidad;

    10. Presentar una iniciativa de Ley General sobre Derechos de la Infancia y la Adolescencia.

    Así mismo, respecto a las acciones de incidencia en política pública, las OSCs participantes han generado diversas propuestas de políticas, además del continuo debate y posicionamiento de las sugerencias a través del proyecto “Por una Ley de Altura”; cuyo objetivo es difundir los contenidos, efectos e impacto de la Ley General de Protección a la Niñez que fue aprobada por la Cámara de Diputados, así como las áreas que requieren reestructurase para la creación de una ley integral para una mejor protección de la niñez.

    A través de la labor de la red, se ha logrado ampliar el conocimiento sobre la infancia y sus derechos, fortalecer la capacidad de organizaciones de la sociedad civil, e impulsar mecanismos legales para garantizar el cumplimiento y respeto de los derechos de la infancia.

    Foto:

    María Fernanda Carvallo, Mexico City Community Manager

    The Red por los Derechos de la Infancia en México — REDIM (Network for Children’s Rights in Mexico) was established in 2001. It is a synergy of 73 organizations seeking to adopt the Convención de los Derechos de los Niños (Convention of Children’s Rights) in the Mexican legal framework, as well as in the design of public policies directly related to children.

    The REDIM programs include building a public policy agenda about childhood and its rights, proposals for legislation on children’s rights, and workshops for creating awareness amongst parents, schools, institutions, and society about advocacy for children’s rights.

    In an attempt to spread the word about children’s rights, REDIM launched the campaign, “Girls Count Too,” in which one of the central arguments is that women who were victims of violence during childhood are more likely to be victims of violence in adulthood. The campaign took place through forums and radio interviews, creating awareness about the International Day Against Gender Violence.

    “Childhood without Violence” is a three-step campaign that aims to visualize and measure the phenomenon of childhood violence in order to stop it. First, it spreads the word about childhood violence through an online portal. Secondly, the campaign encourages the public to share information about childhood violence on social networks. Lastly, it creates a mechanism for citizens to report cases of childhood violence.

    Furthermore, REDIM and UNICEF have launched an initiative called “10 for Childhood.” The program has strategic measures to advance the rights of children and adolescents with the support of government institutions, local and federal congresses, and civil society. In April 2013, the Head of the Federal District Government signed an agreement for the adoption of the ten points:

    1. Ensure the health and nutrition of all young children;

    2. Ensure access to safe water and healthy food in schools;

    3. Provide free birth certificates to all children during their first year of life;

    4. Ensure a quality education for children and adolescents, especially for the disabled;

    5. Ensure support for adolescents entering and completing middle and high school;

    6. Open participation spaces for adolescents;

    7. Ensure that adolescents have information and services related to sexual and reproductive health;

    8. Promote the adoption of the Federal Law of Justice for Adolescents and its effective implementation;

    9. Protect against violence in families, schools, and communities;

    10. Draft the General Law initiative protecting Children’s and Adolescents’ Rights.

    With respect to public policy advocacy, participating civil society organizations have generated diverse policy proposals and the project “Por una Ley de Altura” (“For a Height Act”), which aims to disseminate the contents, effects, and impacts of the General Law on Childhood Protection that was passed by the House of Representatives. This law also details the areas that require restructuring in order to create a comprehensive law to better protect children from violence.

    REDIM has been successful in expanding on the knowledge about children and their rights; they have also strengthened the capacity of civil society organizations, and promoted legal mechanisms to ensure compliance and respect for children’s rights.

    Carlin Carr, Mumbai Community Manager

    In February 2010, 12-year-old Rouvanjit Rawla, a student at a prestigious school in Kolkata, committed suicide after being humiliated and caned by his principal. The Rawla incident set off a firestorm of controversy over widespread accounts of corporal punishment in India’s schools — from the most elite institutions to those run by the government. The Ministry of Women and Child Development subsequently banned physical punishment of students, stating of the consequences, “The first violation of the ban will invite up to one year in jail, or a fine of Rs. 50,000 or both. For subsequent violations, imprisonment could be extended to three years with an additional fine of 25,000 rupees,” says an article on the issue. Despite the measures, reports of students continuing to receive harsh physical and verbal abuses from their superiors continue to plague India’s school system.

    A study conducted last year by the Parent-Teacher Association United Forum found that 100 percent of the 150 teachers they interviewed had used corporal punishment on their students. “The findings left school principals shocked,” says a Times of India report on the issue. The principals may not have known of the extent of the issue, because few incidents were actually being reported to them, neither by the students nor by the parents. Often, parents supported the idea of punishment by the teachers, stating that the child likely deserved it.

    Pratham, one of the country’s leading education organizations, says that violence against children in many forms has been “alarmingly” on the rise. In response, Pratham’s Council for Vulnerable Children has partnered with child’s rights groups and government bodies to launch a campaign in Mumbai called “Children First.” Though still in the works, the initiative plans to tackle violence against children in two phases. The first will focus on “creating safety nets within the community by institutionalizing existing groups like child protection vigilance groups.” This phase will also advocate for policy and legal changes to protect child rights and also raise awareness around the issues. Phase two will tackle public institutions in which children engage on a daily basis, including schools, public spaces and public transport. “We are aiming at strengthening the current action along with starting new initiatives to address the issues of quality care and abuse,” says Pratham.

    Meanwhile, Delhi High Court has taken action to protect the city’s children. In July, the court asked city officials to come up with a plan for a “zero tolerance” policy to put an end to abuses against students. The rules are to be framed and put up visibly in all schools. At the same time, teachers will need to undergo training to learn alternative actions to handle students and their classrooms. Some principals have already begun training teachers to discuss issues with students or have them write out what they did wrong.

    Schools are meant to be safe spaces, and every child has the right to learn without fear of abuse. India is not alone in the situation; in fact, corporal punishment is still legal in 20 states in the U.S. The New York Times held an online debate on the issue; since hitting is still accepted by some communities, especially in the southern states, the practices continues. What are your thoughts? Should corporal punishment be banned outright? Is there ever a place for it? How has your community handled it?

    Photo credit: Satish Krishnamurthy

    Felix Nyamedor, Accra City Community Manager

    Many of Accra’s street children are migrants from other parts of Ghana who followed others in the name of greener pastures. Other street children were trafficked to the city centre by older people and were left to fend for themselves. These children find ways to survive by engaging in activities ranging from being porters to selling goods on the street. The boys often earn money by shining shoes, pushing trucks, gathering refuse and carrying it to the dump site. Many also trade sex for money. In reaction to these alarming hardships, a number of important organizations are working to give these street children a voice, using a number of different approaches.

    The core mandate of the government-owned Osu Children’s Home is to take children from the street and provide them with appropriate care. The goal is to afford them hope for a better future and to fully reintegrate all children admitted into the home into mainstream society. After working with the children, they are reintegrated into their families. Unfortunately, this is the home’s only option, because of lack of funding and challenges in maintaining the home.

    The Hope for the Nations organization, which runs the Agape Children’s Home, represents another model. The program rescues children from street life and provides foster parents to care for them. Each child lives in a separate family unit with foster parents and up to six other children. The children interact with the rest of the home’s community on a daily basis, and communication with relatives is encouraged to give support to the children.

    Plan Ghana and the Street Children Empowerment Foundation work together to organize events for street children to discuss “streetism,” its causes, effects, and solutions. Child ambassadors meet with street children to discuss these issues and how to partner to end “streetism.” Many street children in Accra have been reintegrated to their families through this process.

    A final, education-based model is put into action with The Universal Wonderful Street Academy, which takes children from the streets into classrooms, where they are educated, clothed, and fed with one meal a day at no cost.

    These organizations are using a variety of complementary approaches to provide a deserved future for Accra’s street children.

    Photo credit: Ojewsika

    Widya Anggraini, Jakarta Community Manager

    Komisi Nasional Perlindungan Anak melaporkan sedikitnya ada 2.637 kasus kekerasan terhadap anak sepanjang tahun 2012 dan 62 persen diantaranya merupakan kekerasan seksual terhadap anak dimana mayoritas korban berasal dari kalangan ekonomi menengah ke bawah. Tren kasus kekerasan terhadap anak meningkat tiap tahunnya. Tingginya angka kekerasan ini menunjukkan betapa buruknya perlindungan anak dan minimnya kebijakan yang berpihak terhadap anak. Secara nasional, negara merespon dengan mengeluarkan undang-undang perlindungan anak yang menyatakan dengan jelas bahwa negara menjamin dan melindungi anak dan hak-haknya agar dapat hidup, tumbuh, berkembang secara optimal serta mendapat perlindungan dari kekerasan dan diskriminasi. Munculnya Undang-undang ini diikuti oleh keluarnya peraturan standar minimum pelayanan terpadu bagi perempuan dan anak korban kekerasan.

    Yang menarik dari standar minimum pelayanan ini adalah kewajiban bagi tiap daerah untuk menyediakan Pusat Pelayanan Terpadu (one stop service) atau PPT untuk korban kekerasan. PPT ini sendiri akan melibatkan rumah sakit, puskesmas, unit pelayanan perempuan dan anak yang berbasis di kantor polisi, lembaga bantuan hukum, trauma center, rumah perlindungan anak (shelter) dan jejaring lain yang dapat membantu proses penyembuhan korban.

    Untuk wilayah DKI Jakarta sendiri telah membentuk Pusat Pelayanan Terpadu Pemberdayaan Perempuan dan Anak (P2TP2A). Institusi ini memiliki beragam program dan layanan termasuk Hotline service 24 jam bagi para korban, pendampingan litigasi dan non litigasi, penanganna tahap awal bagi korban, penanganan tahap lanjutan serta pendidikan bagi relawan P2TP2A tentang penanganan korban kekerasan terhadap anak dan perempuan.

    Ilustrasinya adalah seperti berikut : korban bisa melapor melalui layanan hotline 24 jam atau datang langsung ke kantor P2TP2A, setelah melalui proses registrasi maka seseorang di P2TP2A akan mencatat laporan dan memberikan masukan sebagai bagian dari rencana intervensi. Bentuk intervensi bermacam-macam tergantung keinginan dan kebutuhan korban serta masukan dari ahli. Beberapa jenis pelayanan yang tersedia adalah (1) pendampingan dan bantuan hukum dengan mitra Unit Perlindungan Perempuan dan Anak di Polda Metro Jaya dan Polres wilayah; (2) pelayanan kesehatan dengan mitra dinas kesehatan melalui rumah sakit dan puskesmas kecamatan; (3) Pelayanan Psikososial diberikan oleh psikolog klinis dari P2TP2A; (4) Pelayanan rumah aman dengan mitra dari DInas Sosial dan Departemen sosial; (5) Pemulangan dan Reintegrasi dengan mitra pemerintah daerah asal korban yang masuk dalam daftar Mitra Praja Utama di 10 provinsi.

    Menurut data P2TP2A DKI Jakarta sejak tahun 2007-2012 telah masuk total 7.726 kasus kekerasan yang dikerjakan bersama mitra. Dari total jumlah pelapor, 26 persen merupakan kasus kekerasan terhadap anak. Semua kasus tersebut diterima dan telah ditangani oleh P2TPA bersama mitra. Mengingat kasus kekerasan terhadap anak di jakarta tahun 2012 meningkat dua kali lipat dibandingkan tahun 2010 dengan modus operandi yang kian beragam maka masyarakat diimbau agar tidak segan melapor jika terjadi kekerasan anak sebab kini pelaku kekerasan, terutama kekerasan seksual, kerap adalah keluarga dekat seperti ayah kandung, ayah tiri, paman bahkan guru. Selain itu, P2TP2A juga memiliki relawan di tiap desa dan kecamatan untuk memantau dan melaporkan jika terjadi kekerasan di wilayahnya.

    Foto: Wonosobo

    Widya Anggraini, Jakarta Community Manager

    The National Commission for Child Protection reported at least 2,637 cases of violence against children in 2012 with 62 percent comprising of sexual abuse cases, in which the majority of the victims are from the middle and lower classes. Cases of child violence have seen an upward trend and are increasing each year. This high rate of violence points to the appalling state of child protection and to the lack of policies directed towards it. On a national level, the state has responded by issuing a child protection act which makes clear their guarantee to protect children and their rights in order for them to live, grow, achieve optimal development, and receive protection from violence and discrimination. The emergence of this act was followed by the issuance of minimum integrated service standard policies for women and child victims of violence.

    What is interesting about this minimum service standard is the obligation of each region to provide One Stop Service Centers (Pusat Pelayanan Terpadu, or PPT) for victims of violence. The PPT involves hospitals, health centers, women and child service units based in police stations, legal aid, trauma centers, child shelters, and other networks which assist with the victims’ healing process.

    In the Jakarta region, a One Stop Service Center for Women and Children (P2TP2A) has been established. This institution has a variety of programs and services, including a 24-hour service hotline for victims, litigation and non-litigation assistance, and handling of the early stages as well as the advanced stages of educating P2TP2A volunteers on women and child victims of violence.

    The program works as follows: the victim may make a report via the 24-hour service hotline or go directly to the P2TP2A office after undergoing a registration process, where an associate makes a record of the report and provides input as part of the intervention plan. The form of intervention varies depending on the wants and needs of the victims as well as input from the experts. Some of the types of services available are (1) mentoring and legal assistance in collaboration with the Women and Children Protection Unit in the Jakarta Police institution; (2) health services through the program’s partnerships with hospitals and district health centers, (3) psychological services provided by a clinical psychologist from P2TP2A; (4) home safety services through their partners in Social Services and the Social Department; (5) Return and Reintegration of victims through local government partners.

    According to data collected by P2TP2A and their partners, Jakarta recorded a total of 7,726 cases of violence in 2007-2012. Of the total number reported, 26 percent were cases of violence against children. All cases were received and handled by P2TP2A and their partners. Bearing in mind that in 2012, cases of violence against children in Jakarta had doubled since 2010, with an increasingly diverse modus operandi, it is recommended that the community not hesitate to report any instances of child abuse as offenders, especially sexual violence offenders, are often close relatives such as fathers, stepfathers, uncles and even teachers. To help with on-the-ground monitoring, the P2TP2A has volunteers in each village and district to monitor and report any cases of violence.

    Photo: Wonosobo

    Catalina Gomez, Coordenadora da Rede em São Paulo

    Assegurar que as crianças e adolescentes tenham seus direitos assegurados e protegidos de qualquer forma de violência deveria ser uma prioridade de todos os países. Neste sentido, Brasil vem fazendo vários esforços que envolvem a parceria entre o governo e a sociedade civil, nos níveis nacionais e municipais.

    Um dos esforços mais importantes no reconhecimento dos direitos das crianças e adolescentes tem sido a aprovação do Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente (ECA) em 1990. O ECA é um conjunto de normas que detalham os direitos das crianças e identificam os protocolos de atenção nos casos de violência, delinquência e justiça de menores.

    Baseado no ECA, as autoridades brasileiras tem criado uma rede pública de proteção ás crianças e adolescentes de qualquer forma de violência, abuso e negligencia. O ponto focal desta rede é o Conselho Tutelar, uma entidade descentralizada e autônoma, encarregada pela sociedade de zelar pelo cumprimento dos direitos da criança e do adolescente. Segundo a lei, cada município deve ter pelo menos um conselho em funcionamento.

    O ECA também detalha que cada Conselho Tutelar esteja conformado por cinco membros eleitos pela comunidade a cada três anos. Os conselheiros são posições pagas que requerem de conhecimento dos direitos das crianças. Aquele arranjo promove a participação da sociedade civil, incluindo líderes comunitários e representantes de ONGs que tem bom conhecimento de suas comunidades e suas necessidades.

    São Paulo tem vários arranjos para responder á violência contra as crianças, incluindo 44 Conselhos Tutelares localizados no todo seu território. O mandado destes conselhos é coordenar esforços entre o governo e a sociedade civil em torno aos direitos das crianças. Alguns dos principais órgãos que trabalham na rede são a policia, a Secretaria Municipal de Assistência Social e o Ministério Público.

    A cidade também tem 26 Centros de Referencia Especializada da Assistência Social (CREAS), que tem como objetivo providenciar assistência de meia e alta complexidade para as crianças e famílias vitimas de violência e abuso. Para aquelas crianças que tem sido vitimas, os CREAS providenciam conselheiros e referencia a abrigos temporários públicos sem custo.

    Bem, temos a rede e a oferta de serviços públicos que atendem casos de violência. Mais existe muito trabalho pela frente. Por exemplo, ainda é preciso gerar uma parceria mais sólida entre o governo e a sociedade civil na prevenção e atenção da violência contra as crianças. Também é uma prioridade treinar, capacitar e conceder pleno reconhecimento aos membros do Conselho Tutelar nas suas funções. Finalmente é preciso gerar maior conhecimento e compreensão sobre as varias dimensões da violência contra as crianças e suas causas para dar respostas mais eficientes e integrais.

    Catalina Gomez, São Paulo Community Manager

    Ensuring that all children and adolescents have their basic rights met and are protected from any form of violence must be a priority in every country. In Brazil, a number of efforts have been taking place over the years and involve collaboration among government institutions and civil society, both at the national and city levels.

    One of the main milestones in recognizing children’s and adolescents’ rights was the approval of the Child and Adolescent Statute in 1990. This statute compiles a series of laws and regulations spelling out the rights of children, as well as identifying the minimum standards and protocols for managing situations of violence, delinquency, and justice for minors.

    Based on the statute, Brazilian authorities created a specialized public network for child protection, not only from violence but from any form of abuse or neglect. The main focal point of this network is the Guardian Council (Conselho Tutelar). The Council is a decentralized and autonomous entity that ensures overall compliance with the rights of minors. According to the law, every city must have at least one functioning council.

    The law also mandates that each Guardian Council is formed by five elected members of the community for a period of three years. These are paid positions that require specialized knowledge of children’s and adolescents’ rights. Such arrangement promotes civil society representation in Guardian Councils, including community leaders and NGO representatives, who best know the conditions of their own communities, and the challenges faced to ensure children’s and adolescents’ well-being in their neighborhoods.

    As Brazil’s biggest city, São Paulo has several initiatives that deal with child violence. To start with, it has not one, but 44 Guardian Councils, which are located throughout the city so they can ensure adequate and localized efforts towards protecting children from violence. The Councils don’t deliver counseling or provide any direct services — instead, they coordinate efforts by government and civil society to prevent and combat child violence in the city. Some of the key actors that support the Council’s work include the police, the municipal secretariat of social assistance, and the public prosecutor.

    The city also has 26 Specialized Social Assistance Centers, known as CREAS, which support children and families that have been victims of violence and abuse. For those children, the CREAS provide counseling and references to adequate shelter services from a network of public services, all for free.

    The networks are in place, and there is a public supply of specialized services. But let’s face the truth: there are still many challenges ahead in the fight against child violence. First, there is a need for even more collaboration and support among government and civil society organizations to act at the neighborhood level in the prevention of child violence. Secondly, there is a need for more recognition and training for the Guardian Council members, who in many cases are not able to comply with their mandates due to the lack of human and financial resources. Finally, there needs to be greater knowledge and understanding of the various dimensions of violence and their root causes to provide better and more comprehensive responses.

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    In cities around the world, children are at especially high risk for various forms of physical and mental abuse, including neglect, economic exploitation, and sexual violence. Consequently, civil society organizations and governments alike are using a broad range of strategies to ensure that this vulnerable demographic is protected and enabled to thrive. Initiatives include government-run crisis centers for victims of sexual abuse, the creation of stronger legal protections for children, and a campaign to stop corporal punishment in schools. Learn more about these efforts to end violence against children in Chittagong, Mexico City, Mumbai, Accra, Jakarta, and São Paulo, and then join the conversation below.

    আনশু আধিকারি, অনুবাদকঃ ফারজানা নওশিন এবং নুসরাত ইয়াসমিন

    শিশু অধিকার লঙ্ঘনের দুটি চরম প্রতিমূর্তি শিশুদের উপর যৌন নির্যাতন এবং ধর্ষণ। উভয়ই বাংলাদেশে প্রায়শই দেখা যায় এবং দুটিই গুরুতর সমস্যা হিসেবে চিহ্নিত হয়েছে। “আস্ক ডকুমেন্টেশন ইউনিট” এর একটি পরিসংখ্যানে দেখা যায় যে ২০১৩ সালের জানুয়ারী থেকে সেপ্টেম্বর মাসের মধ্যে বাংলাদেশে ৫৪ টি শিশু, ৭ থেকে ১২ বছরের মধ্যে ১০২ জন অপ্রাপ্তবয়স্ক এবং ৮৬ জন কিশোরকিশোরী ধর্ষিত হয়েছে। বলার অপেক্ষা থাকে না যে, এই পরিসংখ্যান যৌন নির্যাতনে শিকার হওয়া শিশুদের প্রকৃত সংখ্যা প্রকাশ করে না।

    যৌন নির্যাতন ও ধর্ষণের এই প্রচলন বন্ধ করার জন্য, বিশেষ করে তরুণীদের উপর যৌন নির্যাতন বন্ধ করার জন্য সরকার পুরো বাংলাদেশে ২০০১ সালে “ওয়ান স্টপ ক্রাইসিস সেন্টার (ও,এস,সি,সি)” প্রতিষ্ঠা করেছে। এই সংস্থাটি বাংলাদেশের বিভিন্ন এনজিও যেগুলো মহিলাদের দ্বারা প্রচালিত হচ্ছে এবং রয়েল ডেনিশ দূতাবাসের তত্ত্বাবধায়নে প্রচালিত হচ্ছে। চট্রগ্রামে ও,এস,সি,সি ধর্ষণ ও যৌন নির্যাতনের শিকার ব্যক্তিদের বিভিন্ন সেবা দিয়ে থাকে; উদাহরণস্বরূপ, স্বাস্থ্য সেবা, বাসস্থান পরিসেবা, সামাজিক সেবা, মানসিক স্বাস্থ্য সেবা, আইন এবং পুলিশ সহায়তা এবং ডি,এন,এ পরীক্ষা করার সেবা দিয়ে থাকে। শিশুরা তাদের সেবার বৃহত্তম গ্রাহক।

    ও,এস,সি,সি বিশেষ করে চট্রগ্রাম জেলায় শিশু অধিকার সংরক্ষণে গুরুত্বপূর্ণ ভুমিকা পালন করছে কারণ চট্রগ্রামে প্রচুর গার্মেন্টস কারখানা রয়েছে এবং এটি পাহাড় বেষ্টিত এলাকা যা কোন কোন ক্ষেত্রে শিশু অধিকার লঙ্ঘনের ঝুঁকি হিসেবে কাজ করে। গ্রাম এবং শহরের বস্তি থেকে অনেক শিশু গার্মেন্টসে কাজ করতে আসে যেখানে তারা প্রায়ই যৌন নির্যাতনের শিকার হয়। একই ভাবে পাহাড় অঞ্চলে জমি এবং সম্পত্তির অধিকার নিয়ে বাংলাদেশী অধিবাসী এবং পাহাড়ের আদি জনগোষ্ঠীর সহিংসতায় নিরুপায় শিকার হয় শিশুরা। চট্রগ্রাম রক্ষণশীল সমাজ হওয়ায় ধর্ষণের শিকার এসব শিশুরা সাধারণত লজ্জায় নিজেকেই নির্যাতনের জন্য দায়ী করে এবং সমাজ থেকে বিচ্ছিন্ন জীবনযাপন করে।

    চট্টগ্রামের ও.এস.সি.সি. অত্যাবশ্যকীয় সেবা ও আশ্রয় প্রদানের মাধ্যমে ধর্ষণের শিকার শিশুদের একটি দলের জন্য বিশেষভাবে কাজ করে যারা অসুরক্ষিত এবং যাদের অধিকার বা উপলব্ধ সেবা সম্পর্কে কোনো জ্ঞান নেই। ও.এস.সি.সি. চট্টগ্রামের মেডিকেল কলেজ হাসপাতাল গুলোতে আক্রান্ত ব্যক্তিকে যে কোনো প্রকার আবশ্যক চিকিৎসা সেবা প্রদান করে। ও.এস.সি.সি. চিকিৎসা বিশেষজ্ঞদেরকে ডাক্তারি এবং ফরেনসিক পরীক্ষা যাচাই করে দেখার জন্যও অনুরোধ করে। এছাড়াও, প্রত্যেক ও.এস.সি.সি. কেন্দ্রের আইনজীবী ও পুলিশ ব্যবস্থাপনার সমর্থন আছে যাতে কেন্দ্র নিজেই যে কোন সময় ধর্ষণ মামলা দায়ের করতে পারেন।

    সংক্ষেপে, যৌন বা ঘরোয়া নির্যাতনের শিকার শিশু (ও বয়স্কদের) এক জায়গায় বিনামূল্যে সকল গুরুত্বপূর্ণ চিকিৎসা ও সামাজিক সেবা প্রদান করাই হচ্ছে ও.এস.সি.সি.র উদ্দেশ্য। এভাবে, ধর্ষণের শিকার শিশুদের স্বাস্থ্যসেবা, বৈধ সহযোগিতা, এবং মানসিক সমর্থন দেওয়া হয় যেন তারা শিশু এবং নারী হিসাবে তাদের অহং জোরদার করতে, ধর্ষণের মানসিক ও শারিরীক আঘাত কাটিয়ে উঠতে, এবং জীবন পুনর্নির্মাণ করতে পারে। এইভাবে, ও.এস.সি.সি. নগরের দরিদ্র পরিবারগুলোকে ন্যায়বিচার চাইতে সাহায্য করে যাদের শিশু যৌন সহিংসতার শিকার। ও.এস.সি.সি. মামলা অনুসরণের পাশাপাশি বৃহত্তর দর্শকের কাছে আদালতের রায় প্রচার করার মাধ্যমে, সমাজে ধর্ষণ সম্পর্কে সচেতনতা তৈরি করে এবং ভবিষ্যতে শারীরিক ও যৌন সহিংসতা প্রতিরোধ করতে সাহায্য করে। ২০০৯ সালের শুরু থেকে এখন পর্যন্ত ও.এস.সি.সি ৮৬৫৩ বাংলাদেশী নারী ও শিশুকে সহযোগিতা প্রদান করেছে।

    যখন বাংলাদেশে শিশু যৌন সহিংসতার ইস্যু মীমাংসিত থেকে অনেক দূরে, তখন ও.এস.সি.সি. সাহায্য করে যে কিভাবে শিশুর অধিকার সরকার কর্তৃক প্রবর্তিত প্রোগ্রামের মাধ্যমে সমাধান করা যাবে। চট্টগ্রামের ও.এস.সি.সি. ক্ষক্তিগ্রস্থ শিশুদের ব্যপক মানসিক, আইনগত, এবং স্বাস্থ্যের যত্ন প্রদানের কাজ করে, কিন্তু শিশু ধর্ষণ প্রতিরোধের উপর আরও জোর স্থাপন করতে হবে।

    Photo credit: BISAP

    Anshu Adhikari, Dhaka Community Manager

    Child molestation and rape are the extreme physical embodiment of violations of children’s rights. Both have been recognized as issues in Bangladesh: the ASK Documentation Unit reported that 54 infants, 102 minors between the ages of 7 and 12, and 86 teenagers were raped in Bangladesh between January and September 2013. It goes without saying that this figure does not convey the true number of children affected by rape.

    In response to this alarming trend of sexual abuse, especially of young girls, the government of Bangladesh put in place One Stop Crisis Centres (OSCC) throughout the country in 2001. In doing so, it followed the recommendations of the Royal Danish Embassy and many NGOs that work with women’s issues. In Chittagong, the OSCC provides comprehensive support to victims of rape and domestic abuse, including health care, shelter services, social services, psychological counselling, legal and police assistance, and DNA tests. Children are one of their largest demographics of victims.

    The OSCC has played a particularly vital role in preserving children’s rights in Chittagong because the Chittagong region is filled with garment factories and is surrounded by the hill tract region: children from villages and urban slums come to work in the garment factories, where they often face mistreatment and sexual abuse. Similarly, in the hill tracts, children often become victims in the violence between Bengali settlers and hill tract ethnic groups, as these groups fight for land and property rights. In the conservative society of Chittagong, self-blame, shame, and isolation due to childhood rape are common.

    By providing all essential services and shelter to child rape victims in one accessible location, the Chittagong OSCC works specifically for a group that is extremely vulnerable and that has no knowledge of their rights or the services available. The OSCC operates at the medical college hospitals in Chittagong to give victims access to any required medical services. Medical specialists are also asked to visit the OSCC to perform clinical and forensic examinations. Alongside this medical support, every OSCC has the support of lawyers and a police constable, so that the Centre itself can file rape cases immediately.

    In short, the motive of the OSCC is to provide all crucial medical and social services to child (and adult) victims of sexual or domestic abuse free of charge and in one place. As such, victims of molestation and rape are given the health care, legal aid, and psychological support necessary to strengthen their confidence, cope with the trauma of rape, and rebuild their lives. The OSCCs thereby enable poor urban families to seek justice when their children are the victims of sexual violence. Because they follow up with cases and disseminate judicial judgments to larger audiences, OSCCs also create awareness about rape and help prevent physical and sexual violence. Since the beginning of 2009, the OSCC has served 8,653 women and children in Bangladesh.

    While the issue of sexual violence directed at children is far from solved in Bangladesh, the OSCC provides an example of how children’s rights can be explicitly addressed through a government-initiated program. Further emphasis must be placed on prevention, but the Chittagong OSCC shows the value of comprehensive psychological, legal, and health care support for child victims of abuse.

    Photo credit: BISAP

    María Fernanda Carvallo, Gestor Comunitario de Mexico D.F.

    En al año 2001 se constituyó la Red por los Derechos de la Infancia en México (REDIM). Es una sinergia de 73 organizaciones que buscan que se adopte la Convención de los Derechos de los Niños en los marcos legales de México y en el diseño de políticas públicas dirigidas a los niños.

    Entre los programas de REDIM se encuentran: la construcción de una agenda de políticas públicas sobre la infancia y sus derechos; propuestas para la legislación sobre derechos de la infancia; talleres, materiales de análisis, y producción de conocimiento dirigidos a padres, escuelas, instituciones y a la sociedad en general, y también vigilancia y defensoría de los derechos de la niñez.

    En el marco de la difusión de los derechos de la infancia, REDIM lanzó la campaña, “Las niñas también cuentan”, en la que uno de los argumentos centrales es que las mujeres que fueron víctimas de violencia en su infancia, son más propensas a serlo en la etapa adulta. La campaña se llevó a cabo a través de foros así como cápsulas y entrevistas radiofónicas difundidas en el marco del día Internacional Contra la Violencia de Género.

    Otra de las campañas, “Infancia sin violencia”, pretende visualizar y medir el fenómeno de la violencia infantil para detenerlo, a través de tres pasos. En primer lugar, difundir la situación actual de la violencia contra los niños a través de un portal web. En segundo lugar, involucrar a las personas para que compartan la información en redes sociales. Finalmente, generar un mecanismo para que la población reporte casos de violencia contra la niñez.

    Así mismo, REDIM y UNICEF generaron una iniciativa llamada “10 por la Infancia”. La iniciativa tiene medidas estratégicas para avanzar en la defensa de los derechos de las niñas, niños y adolescentes con el apoyo de las instituciones gubernamentales, congresos locales y federal, y la sociedad civil. En abril del 2013 el Jefe de Gobierno del Distrito Federal firmó el acuerdo para la adopción de los 10 pasos:

    1. Garantizar a todos los niños salud y nutrición adecuadas en la primera infancia;

    2. Asegurar el acceso a agua potable y alimentos saludables en escuelas;

    3. Otorgar actas de nacimiento gratuitas a todos los niños durante el primer año de vida;

    4. Garantizar una educación de calidad para niños y adolescentes en el país, especialmente para discapacitados;

    5. Garantizar apoyos para que los adolescentes ingresen y terminen la escuela media superior;

    6. Abrir espacios de participación para adolescentes

    7. Asegurar que los adolescentes cuenten con información y servicios de salud sexual y reproductiva;

    8. Impulsar la aprobación de la Ley Federal de Justicia para Adolescentes y su efectiva implementación;

    9. Proteger contra la violencia en la familia, la escuela y la comunidad;

    10. Presentar una iniciativa de Ley General sobre Derechos de la Infancia y la Adolescencia.

    Así mismo, respecto a las acciones de incidencia en política pública, las OSCs participantes han generado diversas propuestas de políticas, además del continuo debate y posicionamiento de las sugerencias a través del proyecto “Por una Ley de Altura”; cuyo objetivo es difundir los contenidos, efectos e impacto de la Ley General de Protección a la Niñez que fue aprobada por la Cámara de Diputados, así como las áreas que requieren reestructurase para la creación de una ley integral para una mejor protección de la niñez.

    A través de la labor de la red, se ha logrado ampliar el conocimiento sobre la infancia y sus derechos, fortalecer la capacidad de organizaciones de la sociedad civil, e impulsar mecanismos legales para garantizar el cumplimiento y respeto de los derechos de la infancia.

    Foto:

    María Fernanda Carvallo, Mexico City Community Manager

    The Red por los Derechos de la Infancia en México — REDIM (Network for Children’s Rights in Mexico) was established in 2001. It is a synergy of 73 organizations seeking to adopt the Convención de los Derechos de los Niños (Convention of Children’s Rights) in the Mexican legal framework, as well as in the design of public policies directly related to children.

    The REDIM programs include building a public policy agenda about childhood and its rights, proposals for legislation on children’s rights, and workshops for creating awareness amongst parents, schools, institutions, and society about advocacy for children’s rights.

    In an attempt to spread the word about children’s rights, REDIM launched the campaign, “Girls Count Too,” in which one of the central arguments is that women who were victims of violence during childhood are more likely to be victims of violence in adulthood. The campaign took place through forums and radio interviews, creating awareness about the International Day Against Gender Violence.

    “Childhood without Violence” is a three-step campaign that aims to visualize and measure the phenomenon of childhood violence in order to stop it. First, it spreads the word about childhood violence through an online portal. Secondly, the campaign encourages the public to share information about childhood violence on social networks. Lastly, it creates a mechanism for citizens to report cases of childhood violence.

    Furthermore, REDIM and UNICEF have launched an initiative called “10 for Childhood.” The program has strategic measures to advance the rights of children and adolescents with the support of government institutions, local and federal congresses, and civil society. In April 2013, the Head of the Federal District Government signed an agreement for the adoption of the ten points:

    1. Ensure the health and nutrition of all young children;

    2. Ensure access to safe water and healthy food in schools;

    3. Provide free birth certificates to all children during their first year of life;

    4. Ensure a quality education for children and adolescents, especially for the disabled;

    5. Ensure support for adolescents entering and completing middle and high school;

    6. Open participation spaces for adolescents;

    7. Ensure that adolescents have information and services related to sexual and reproductive health;

    8. Promote the adoption of the Federal Law of Justice for Adolescents and its effective implementation;

    9. Protect against violence in families, schools, and communities;

    10. Draft the General Law initiative protecting Children’s and Adolescents’ Rights.

    With respect to public policy advocacy, participating civil society organizations have generated diverse policy proposals and the project “Por una Ley de Altura” (“For a Height Act”), which aims to disseminate the contents, effects, and impacts of the General Law on Childhood Protection that was passed by the House of Representatives. This law also details the areas that require restructuring in order to create a comprehensive law to better protect children from violence.

    REDIM has been successful in expanding on the knowledge about children and their rights; they have also strengthened the capacity of civil society organizations, and promoted legal mechanisms to ensure compliance and respect for children’s rights.

    Carlin Carr, Mumbai Community Manager

    In February 2010, 12-year-old Rouvanjit Rawla, a student at a prestigious school in Kolkata, committed suicide after being humiliated and caned by his principal. The Rawla incident set off a firestorm of controversy over widespread accounts of corporal punishment in India’s schools — from the most elite institutions to those run by the government. The Ministry of Women and Child Development subsequently banned physical punishment of students, stating of the consequences, “The first violation of the ban will invite up to one year in jail, or a fine of Rs. 50,000 or both. For subsequent violations, imprisonment could be extended to three years with an additional fine of 25,000 rupees,” says an article on the issue. Despite the measures, reports of students continuing to receive harsh physical and verbal abuses from their superiors continue to plague India’s school system.

    A study conducted last year by the Parent-Teacher Association United Forum found that 100 percent of the 150 teachers they interviewed had used corporal punishment on their students. “The findings left school principals shocked,” says a Times of India report on the issue. The principals may not have known of the extent of the issue, because few incidents were actually being reported to them, neither by the students nor by the parents. Often, parents supported the idea of punishment by the teachers, stating that the child likely deserved it.

    Pratham, one of the country’s leading education organizations, says that violence against children in many forms has been “alarmingly” on the rise. In response, Pratham’s Council for Vulnerable Children has partnered with child’s rights groups and government bodies to launch a campaign in Mumbai called “Children First.” Though still in the works, the initiative plans to tackle violence against children in two phases. The first will focus on “creating safety nets within the community by institutionalizing existing groups like child protection vigilance groups.” This phase will also advocate for policy and legal changes to protect child rights and also raise awareness around the issues. Phase two will tackle public institutions in which children engage on a daily basis, including schools, public spaces and public transport. “We are aiming at strengthening the current action along with starting new initiatives to address the issues of quality care and abuse,” says Pratham.

    Meanwhile, Delhi High Court has taken action to protect the city’s children. In July, the court asked city officials to come up with a plan for a “zero tolerance” policy to put an end to abuses against students. The rules are to be framed and put up visibly in all schools. At the same time, teachers will need to undergo training to learn alternative actions to handle students and their classrooms. Some principals have already begun training teachers to discuss issues with students or have them write out what they did wrong.

    Schools are meant to be safe spaces, and every child has the right to learn without fear of abuse. India is not alone in the situation; in fact, corporal punishment is still legal in 20 states in the U.S. The New York Times held an online debate on the issue; since hitting is still accepted by some communities, especially in the southern states, the practices continues. What are your thoughts? Should corporal punishment be banned outright? Is there ever a place for it? How has your community handled it?

    Photo credit: Satish Krishnamurthy

    Felix Nyamedor, Accra City Community Manager

    Many of Accra’s street children are migrants from other parts of Ghana who followed others in the name of greener pastures. Other street children were trafficked to the city centre by older people and were left to fend for themselves. These children find ways to survive by engaging in activities ranging from being porters to selling goods on the street. The boys often earn money by shining shoes, pushing trucks, gathering refuse and carrying it to the dump site. Many also trade sex for money. In reaction to these alarming hardships, a number of important organizations are working to give these street children a voice, using a number of different approaches.

    The core mandate of the government-owned Osu Children’s Home is to take children from the street and provide them with appropriate care. The goal is to afford them hope for a better future and to fully reintegrate all children admitted into the home into mainstream society. After working with the children, they are reintegrated into their families. Unfortunately, this is the home’s only option, because of lack of funding and challenges in maintaining the home.

    The Hope for the Nations organization, which runs the Agape Children’s Home, represents another model. The program rescues children from street life and provides foster parents to care for them. Each child lives in a separate family unit with foster parents and up to six other children. The children interact with the rest of the home’s community on a daily basis, and communication with relatives is encouraged to give support to the children.

    Plan Ghana and the Street Children Empowerment Foundation work together to organize events for street children to discuss “streetism,” its causes, effects, and solutions. Child ambassadors meet with street children to discuss these issues and how to partner to end “streetism.” Many street children in Accra have been reintegrated to their families through this process.

    A final, education-based model is put into action with The Universal Wonderful Street Academy, which takes children from the streets into classrooms, where they are educated, clothed, and fed with one meal a day at no cost.

    These organizations are using a variety of complementary approaches to provide a deserved future for Accra’s street children.

    Photo credit: Ojewsika

    Widya Anggraini, Jakarta Community Manager

    Komisi Nasional Perlindungan Anak melaporkan sedikitnya ada 2.637 kasus kekerasan terhadap anak sepanjang tahun 2012 dan 62 persen diantaranya merupakan kekerasan seksual terhadap anak dimana mayoritas korban berasal dari kalangan ekonomi menengah ke bawah. Tren kasus kekerasan terhadap anak meningkat tiap tahunnya. Tingginya angka kekerasan ini menunjukkan betapa buruknya perlindungan anak dan minimnya kebijakan yang berpihak terhadap anak. Secara nasional, negara merespon dengan mengeluarkan undang-undang perlindungan anak yang menyatakan dengan jelas bahwa negara menjamin dan melindungi anak dan hak-haknya agar dapat hidup, tumbuh, berkembang secara optimal serta mendapat perlindungan dari kekerasan dan diskriminasi. Munculnya Undang-undang ini diikuti oleh keluarnya peraturan standar minimum pelayanan terpadu bagi perempuan dan anak korban kekerasan.

    Yang menarik dari standar minimum pelayanan ini adalah kewajiban bagi tiap daerah untuk menyediakan Pusat Pelayanan Terpadu (one stop service) atau PPT untuk korban kekerasan. PPT ini sendiri akan melibatkan rumah sakit, puskesmas, unit pelayanan perempuan dan anak yang berbasis di kantor polisi, lembaga bantuan hukum, trauma center, rumah perlindungan anak (shelter) dan jejaring lain yang dapat membantu proses penyembuhan korban.

    Untuk wilayah DKI Jakarta sendiri telah membentuk Pusat Pelayanan Terpadu Pemberdayaan Perempuan dan Anak (P2TP2A). Institusi ini memiliki beragam program dan layanan termasuk Hotline service 24 jam bagi para korban, pendampingan litigasi dan non litigasi, penanganna tahap awal bagi korban, penanganan tahap lanjutan serta pendidikan bagi relawan P2TP2A tentang penanganan korban kekerasan terhadap anak dan perempuan.

    Ilustrasinya adalah seperti berikut : korban bisa melapor melalui layanan hotline 24 jam atau datang langsung ke kantor P2TP2A, setelah melalui proses registrasi maka seseorang di P2TP2A akan mencatat laporan dan memberikan masukan sebagai bagian dari rencana intervensi. Bentuk intervensi bermacam-macam tergantung keinginan dan kebutuhan korban serta masukan dari ahli. Beberapa jenis pelayanan yang tersedia adalah (1) pendampingan dan bantuan hukum dengan mitra Unit Perlindungan Perempuan dan Anak di Polda Metro Jaya dan Polres wilayah; (2) pelayanan kesehatan dengan mitra dinas kesehatan melalui rumah sakit dan puskesmas kecamatan; (3) Pelayanan Psikososial diberikan oleh psikolog klinis dari P2TP2A; (4) Pelayanan rumah aman dengan mitra dari DInas Sosial dan Departemen sosial; (5) Pemulangan dan Reintegrasi dengan mitra pemerintah daerah asal korban yang masuk dalam daftar Mitra Praja Utama di 10 provinsi.

    Menurut data P2TP2A DKI Jakarta sejak tahun 2007-2012 telah masuk total 7.726 kasus kekerasan yang dikerjakan bersama mitra. Dari total jumlah pelapor, 26 persen merupakan kasus kekerasan terhadap anak. Semua kasus tersebut diterima dan telah ditangani oleh P2TPA bersama mitra. Mengingat kasus kekerasan terhadap anak di jakarta tahun 2012 meningkat dua kali lipat dibandingkan tahun 2010 dengan modus operandi yang kian beragam maka masyarakat diimbau agar tidak segan melapor jika terjadi kekerasan anak sebab kini pelaku kekerasan, terutama kekerasan seksual, kerap adalah keluarga dekat seperti ayah kandung, ayah tiri, paman bahkan guru. Selain itu, P2TP2A juga memiliki relawan di tiap desa dan kecamatan untuk memantau dan melaporkan jika terjadi kekerasan di wilayahnya.

    Foto: Wonosobo

    Widya Anggraini, Jakarta Community Manager

    The National Commission for Child Protection reported at least 2,637 cases of violence against children in 2012 with 62 percent comprising of sexual abuse cases, in which the majority of the victims are from the middle and lower classes. Cases of child violence have seen an upward trend and are increasing each year. This high rate of violence points to the appalling state of child protection and to the lack of policies directed towards it. On a national level, the state has responded by issuing a child protection act which makes clear their guarantee to protect children and their rights in order for them to live, grow, achieve optimal development, and receive protection from violence and discrimination. The emergence of this act was followed by the issuance of minimum integrated service standard policies for women and child victims of violence.

    What is interesting about this minimum service standard is the obligation of each region to provide One Stop Service Centers (Pusat Pelayanan Terpadu, or PPT) for victims of violence. The PPT involves hospitals, health centers, women and child service units based in police stations, legal aid, trauma centers, child shelters, and other networks which assist with the victims’ healing process.

    In the Jakarta region, a One Stop Service Center for Women and Children (P2TP2A) has been established. This institution has a variety of programs and services, including a 24-hour service hotline for victims, litigation and non-litigation assistance, and handling of the early stages as well as the advanced stages of educating P2TP2A volunteers on women and child victims of violence.

    The program works as follows: the victim may make a report via the 24-hour service hotline or go directly to the P2TP2A office after undergoing a registration process, where an associate makes a record of the report and provides input as part of the intervention plan. The form of intervention varies depending on the wants and needs of the victims as well as input from the experts. Some of the types of services available are (1) mentoring and legal assistance in collaboration with the Women and Children Protection Unit in the Jakarta Police institution; (2) health services through the program’s partnerships with hospitals and district health centers, (3) psychological services provided by a clinical psychologist from P2TP2A; (4) home safety services through their partners in Social Services and the Social Department; (5) Return and Reintegration of victims through local government partners.

    According to data collected by P2TP2A and their partners, Jakarta recorded a total of 7,726 cases of violence in 2007-2012. Of the total number reported, 26 percent were cases of violence against children. All cases were received and handled by P2TP2A and their partners. Bearing in mind that in 2012, cases of violence against children in Jakarta had doubled since 2010, with an increasingly diverse modus operandi, it is recommended that the community not hesitate to report any instances of child abuse as offenders, especially sexual violence offenders, are often close relatives such as fathers, stepfathers, uncles and even teachers. To help with on-the-ground monitoring, the P2TP2A has volunteers in each village and district to monitor and report any cases of violence.

    Photo: Wonosobo

    Catalina Gomez, Coordenadora da Rede em São Paulo

    Assegurar que as crianças e adolescentes tenham seus direitos assegurados e protegidos de qualquer forma de violência deveria ser uma prioridade de todos os países. Neste sentido, Brasil vem fazendo vários esforços que envolvem a parceria entre o governo e a sociedade civil, nos níveis nacionais e municipais.

    Um dos esforços mais importantes no reconhecimento dos direitos das crianças e adolescentes tem sido a aprovação do Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente (ECA) em 1990. O ECA é um conjunto de normas que detalham os direitos das crianças e identificam os protocolos de atenção nos casos de violência, delinquência e justiça de menores.

    Baseado no ECA, as autoridades brasileiras tem criado uma rede pública de proteção ás crianças e adolescentes de qualquer forma de violência, abuso e negligencia. O ponto focal desta rede é o Conselho Tutelar, uma entidade descentralizada e autônoma, encarregada pela sociedade de zelar pelo cumprimento dos direitos da criança e do adolescente. Segundo a lei, cada município deve ter pelo menos um conselho em funcionamento.

    O ECA também detalha que cada Conselho Tutelar esteja conformado por cinco membros eleitos pela comunidade a cada três anos. Os conselheiros são posições pagas que requerem de conhecimento dos direitos das crianças. Aquele arranjo promove a participação da sociedade civil, incluindo líderes comunitários e representantes de ONGs que tem bom conhecimento de suas comunidades e suas necessidades.

    São Paulo tem vários arranjos para responder á violência contra as crianças, incluindo 44 Conselhos Tutelares localizados no todo seu território. O mandado destes conselhos é coordenar esforços entre o governo e a sociedade civil em torno aos direitos das crianças. Alguns dos principais órgãos que trabalham na rede são a policia, a Secretaria Municipal de Assistência Social e o Ministério Público.

    A cidade também tem 26 Centros de Referencia Especializada da Assistência Social (CREAS), que tem como objetivo providenciar assistência de meia e alta complexidade para as crianças e famílias vitimas de violência e abuso. Para aquelas crianças que tem sido vitimas, os CREAS providenciam conselheiros e referencia a abrigos temporários públicos sem custo.

    Bem, temos a rede e a oferta de serviços públicos que atendem casos de violência. Mais existe muito trabalho pela frente. Por exemplo, ainda é preciso gerar uma parceria mais sólida entre o governo e a sociedade civil na prevenção e atenção da violência contra as crianças. Também é uma prioridade treinar, capacitar e conceder pleno reconhecimento aos membros do Conselho Tutelar nas suas funções. Finalmente é preciso gerar maior conhecimento e compreensão sobre as varias dimensões da violência contra as crianças e suas causas para dar respostas mais eficientes e integrais.

    Catalina Gomez, São Paulo Community Manager

    Ensuring that all children and adolescents have their basic rights met and are protected from any form of violence must be a priority in every country. In Brazil, a number of efforts have been taking place over the years and involve collaboration among government institutions and civil society, both at the national and city levels.

    One of the main milestones in recognizing children’s and adolescents’ rights was the approval of the Child and Adolescent Statute in 1990. This statute compiles a series of laws and regulations spelling out the rights of children, as well as identifying the minimum standards and protocols for managing situations of violence, delinquency, and justice for minors.

    Based on the statute, Brazilian authorities created a specialized public network for child protection, not only from violence but from any form of abuse or neglect. The main focal point of this network is the Guardian Council (Conselho Tutelar). The Council is a decentralized and autonomous entity that ensures overall compliance with the rights of minors. According to the law, every city must have at least one functioning council.

    The law also mandates that each Guardian Council is formed by five elected members of the community for a period of three years. These are paid positions that require specialized knowledge of children’s and adolescents’ rights. Such arrangement promotes civil society representation in Guardian Councils, including community leaders and NGO representatives, who best know the conditions of their own communities, and the challenges faced to ensure children’s and adolescents’ well-being in their neighborhoods.

    As Brazil’s biggest city, São Paulo has several initiatives that deal with child violence. To start with, it has not one, but 44 Guardian Councils, which are located throughout the city so they can ensure adequate and localized efforts towards protecting children from violence. The Councils don’t deliver counseling or provide any direct services — instead, they coordinate efforts by government and civil society to prevent and combat child violence in the city. Some of the key actors that support the Council’s work include the police, the municipal secretariat of social assistance, and the public prosecutor.

    The city also has 26 Specialized Social Assistance Centers, known as CREAS, which support children and families that have been victims of violence and abuse. For those children, the CREAS provide counseling and references to adequate shelter services from a network of public services, all for free.

    The networks are in place, and there is a public supply of specialized services. But let’s face the truth: there are still many challenges ahead in the fight against child violence. First, there is a need for even more collaboration and support among government and civil society organizations to act at the neighborhood level in the prevention of child violence. Secondly, there is a need for more recognition and training for the Guardian Council members, who in many cases are not able to comply with their mandates due to the lack of human and financial resources. Finally, there needs to be greater knowledge and understanding of the various dimensions of violence and their root causes to provide better and more comprehensive responses.

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    In cities around the world, children are at especially high risk for various forms of physical and mental abuse, including neglect, economic exploitation, and sexual violence. Consequently, civil society organizations and governments alike are using a broad range of strategies to ensure that this vulnerable demographic is protected and enabled to thrive. Initiatives include government-run crisis centers for victims of sexual abuse, the creation of stronger legal protections for children, and a campaign to stop corporal punishment in schools. Learn more about these efforts to end violence against children in Chittagong, Mexico City, Mumbai, Accra, Jakarta, and São Paulo, and then join the conversation below.

    আনশু আধিকারি, অনুবাদকঃ ফারজানা নওশিন এবং নুসরাত ইয়াসমিন

    শিশু অধিকার লঙ্ঘনের দুটি চরম প্রতিমূর্তি শিশুদের উপর যৌন নির্যাতন এবং ধর্ষণ। উভয়ই বাংলাদেশে প্রায়শই দেখা যায় এবং দুটিই গুরুতর সমস্যা হিসেবে চিহ্নিত হয়েছে। “আস্ক ডকুমেন্টেশন ইউনিট” এর একটি পরিসংখ্যানে দেখা যায় যে ২০১৩ সালের জানুয়ারী থেকে সেপ্টেম্বর মাসের মধ্যে বাংলাদেশে ৫৪ টি শিশু, ৭ থেকে ১২ বছরের মধ্যে ১০২ জন অপ্রাপ্তবয়স্ক এবং ৮৬ জন কিশোরকিশোরী ধর্ষিত হয়েছে। বলার অপেক্ষা থাকে না যে, এই পরিসংখ্যান যৌন নির্যাতনে শিকার হওয়া শিশুদের প্রকৃত সংখ্যা প্রকাশ করে না।

    যৌন নির্যাতন ও ধর্ষণের এই প্রচলন বন্ধ করার জন্য, বিশেষ করে তরুণীদের উপর যৌন নির্যাতন বন্ধ করার জন্য সরকার পুরো বাংলাদেশে ২০০১ সালে “ওয়ান স্টপ ক্রাইসিস সেন্টার (ও,এস,সি,সি)” প্রতিষ্ঠা করেছে। এই সংস্থাটি বাংলাদেশের বিভিন্ন এনজিও যেগুলো মহিলাদের দ্বারা প্রচালিত হচ্ছে এবং রয়েল ডেনিশ দূতাবাসের তত্ত্বাবধায়নে প্রচালিত হচ্ছে। চট্রগ্রামে ও,এস,সি,সি ধর্ষণ ও যৌন নির্যাতনের শিকার ব্যক্তিদের বিভিন্ন সেবা দিয়ে থাকে; উদাহরণস্বরূপ, স্বাস্থ্য সেবা, বাসস্থান পরিসেবা, সামাজিক সেবা, মানসিক স্বাস্থ্য সেবা, আইন এবং পুলিশ সহায়তা এবং ডি,এন,এ পরীক্ষা করার সেবা দিয়ে থাকে। শিশুরা তাদের সেবার বৃহত্তম গ্রাহক।

    ও,এস,সি,সি বিশেষ করে চট্রগ্রাম জেলায় শিশু অধিকার সংরক্ষণে গুরুত্বপূর্ণ ভুমিকা পালন করছে কারণ চট্রগ্রামে প্রচুর গার্মেন্টস কারখানা রয়েছে এবং এটি পাহাড় বেষ্টিত এলাকা যা কোন কোন ক্ষেত্রে শিশু অধিকার লঙ্ঘনের ঝুঁকি হিসেবে কাজ করে। গ্রাম এবং শহরের বস্তি থেকে অনেক শিশু গার্মেন্টসে কাজ করতে আসে যেখানে তারা প্রায়ই যৌন নির্যাতনের শিকার হয়। একই ভাবে পাহাড় অঞ্চলে জমি এবং সম্পত্তির অধিকার নিয়ে বাংলাদেশী অধিবাসী এবং পাহাড়ের আদি জনগোষ্ঠীর সহিংসতায় নিরুপায় শিকার হয় শিশুরা। চট্রগ্রাম রক্ষণশীল সমাজ হওয়ায় ধর্ষণের শিকার এসব শিশুরা সাধারণত লজ্জায় নিজেকেই নির্যাতনের জন্য দায়ী করে এবং সমাজ থেকে বিচ্ছিন্ন জীবনযাপন করে।

    চট্টগ্রামের ও.এস.সি.সি. অত্যাবশ্যকীয় সেবা ও আশ্রয় প্রদানের মাধ্যমে ধর্ষণের শিকার শিশুদের একটি দলের জন্য বিশেষভাবে কাজ করে যারা অসুরক্ষিত এবং যাদের অধিকার বা উপলব্ধ সেবা সম্পর্কে কোনো জ্ঞান নেই। ও.এস.সি.সি. চট্টগ্রামের মেডিকেল কলেজ হাসপাতাল গুলোতে আক্রান্ত ব্যক্তিকে যে কোনো প্রকার আবশ্যক চিকিৎসা সেবা প্রদান করে। ও.এস.সি.সি. চিকিৎসা বিশেষজ্ঞদেরকে ডাক্তারি এবং ফরেনসিক পরীক্ষা যাচাই করে দেখার জন্যও অনুরোধ করে। এছাড়াও, প্রত্যেক ও.এস.সি.সি. কেন্দ্রের আইনজীবী ও পুলিশ ব্যবস্থাপনার সমর্থন আছে যাতে কেন্দ্র নিজেই যে কোন সময় ধর্ষণ মামলা দায়ের করতে পারেন।

    সংক্ষেপে, যৌন বা ঘরোয়া নির্যাতনের শিকার শিশু (ও বয়স্কদের) এক জায়গায় বিনামূল্যে সকল গুরুত্বপূর্ণ চিকিৎসা ও সামাজিক সেবা প্রদান করাই হচ্ছে ও.এস.সি.সি.র উদ্দেশ্য। এভাবে, ধর্ষণের শিকার শিশুদের স্বাস্থ্যসেবা, বৈধ সহযোগিতা, এবং মানসিক সমর্থন দেওয়া হয় যেন তারা শিশু এবং নারী হিসাবে তাদের অহং জোরদার করতে, ধর্ষণের মানসিক ও শারিরীক আঘাত কাটিয়ে উঠতে, এবং জীবন পুনর্নির্মাণ করতে পারে। এইভাবে, ও.এস.সি.সি. নগরের দরিদ্র পরিবারগুলোকে ন্যায়বিচার চাইতে সাহায্য করে যাদের শিশু যৌন সহিংসতার শিকার। ও.এস.সি.সি. মামলা অনুসরণের পাশাপাশি বৃহত্তর দর্শকের কাছে আদালতের রায় প্রচার করার মাধ্যমে, সমাজে ধর্ষণ সম্পর্কে সচেতনতা তৈরি করে এবং ভবিষ্যতে শারীরিক ও যৌন সহিংসতা প্রতিরোধ করতে সাহায্য করে। ২০০৯ সালের শুরু থেকে এখন পর্যন্ত ও.এস.সি.সি ৮৬৫৩ বাংলাদেশী নারী ও শিশুকে সহযোগিতা প্রদান করেছে।

    যখন বাংলাদেশে শিশু যৌন সহিংসতার ইস্যু মীমাংসিত থেকে অনেক দূরে, তখন ও.এস.সি.সি. সাহায্য করে যে কিভাবে শিশুর অধিকার সরকার কর্তৃক প্রবর্তিত প্রোগ্রামের মাধ্যমে সমাধান করা যাবে। চট্টগ্রামের ও.এস.সি.সি. ক্ষক্তিগ্রস্থ শিশুদের ব্যপক মানসিক, আইনগত, এবং স্বাস্থ্যের যত্ন প্রদানের কাজ করে, কিন্তু শিশু ধর্ষণ প্রতিরোধের উপর আরও জোর স্থাপন করতে হবে।

    Photo credit: BISAP

    Anshu Adhikari, Dhaka Community Manager

    Child molestation and rape are the extreme physical embodiment of violations of children’s rights. Both have been recognized as issues in Bangladesh: the ASK Documentation Unit reported that 54 infants, 102 minors between the ages of 7 and 12, and 86 teenagers were raped in Bangladesh between January and September 2013. It goes without saying that this figure does not convey the true number of children affected by rape.

    In response to this alarming trend of sexual abuse, especially of young girls, the government of Bangladesh put in place One Stop Crisis Centres (OSCC) throughout the country in 2001. In doing so, it followed the recommendations of the Royal Danish Embassy and many NGOs that work with women’s issues. In Chittagong, the OSCC provides comprehensive support to victims of rape and domestic abuse, including health care, shelter services, social services, psychological counselling, legal and police assistance, and DNA tests. Children are one of their largest demographics of victims.

    The OSCC has played a particularly vital role in preserving children’s rights in Chittagong because the Chittagong region is filled with garment factories and is surrounded by the hill tract region: children from villages and urban slums come to work in the garment factories, where they often face mistreatment and sexual abuse. Similarly, in the hill tracts, children often become victims in the violence between Bengali settlers and hill tract ethnic groups, as these groups fight for land and property rights. In the conservative society of Chittagong, self-blame, shame, and isolation due to childhood rape are common.

    By providing all essential services and shelter to child rape victims in one accessible location, the Chittagong OSCC works specifically for a group that is extremely vulnerable and that has no knowledge of their rights or the services available. The OSCC operates at the medical college hospitals in Chittagong to give victims access to any required medical services. Medical specialists are also asked to visit the OSCC to perform clinical and forensic examinations. Alongside this medical support, every OSCC has the support of lawyers and a police constable, so that the Centre itself can file rape cases immediately.

    In short, the motive of the OSCC is to provide all crucial medical and social services to child (and adult) victims of sexual or domestic abuse free of charge and in one place. As such, victims of molestation and rape are given the health care, legal aid, and psychological support necessary to strengthen their confidence, cope with the trauma of rape, and rebuild their lives. The OSCCs thereby enable poor urban families to seek justice when their children are the victims of sexual violence. Because they follow up with cases and disseminate judicial judgments to larger audiences, OSCCs also create awareness about rape and help prevent physical and sexual violence. Since the beginning of 2009, the OSCC has served 8,653 women and children in Bangladesh.

    While the issue of sexual violence directed at children is far from solved in Bangladesh, the OSCC provides an example of how children’s rights can be explicitly addressed through a government-initiated program. Further emphasis must be placed on prevention, but the Chittagong OSCC shows the value of comprehensive psychological, legal, and health care support for child victims of abuse.

    Photo credit: BISAP

    María Fernanda Carvallo, Gestor Comunitario de Mexico D.F.

    En al año 2001 se constituyó la Red por los Derechos de la Infancia en México (REDIM). Es una sinergia de 73 organizaciones que buscan que se adopte la Convención de los Derechos de los Niños en los marcos legales de México y en el diseño de políticas públicas dirigidas a los niños.

    Entre los programas de REDIM se encuentran: la construcción de una agenda de políticas públicas sobre la infancia y sus derechos; propuestas para la legislación sobre derechos de la infancia; talleres, materiales de análisis, y producción de conocimiento dirigidos a padres, escuelas, instituciones y a la sociedad en general, y también vigilancia y defensoría de los derechos de la niñez.

    En el marco de la difusión de los derechos de la infancia, REDIM lanzó la campaña, “Las niñas también cuentan”, en la que uno de los argumentos centrales es que las mujeres que fueron víctimas de violencia en su infancia, son más propensas a serlo en la etapa adulta. La campaña se llevó a cabo a través de foros así como cápsulas y entrevistas radiofónicas difundidas en el marco del día Internacional Contra la Violencia de Género.

    Otra de las campañas, “Infancia sin violencia”, pretende visualizar y medir el fenómeno de la violencia infantil para detenerlo, a través de tres pasos. En primer lugar, difundir la situación actual de la violencia contra los niños a través de un portal web. En segundo lugar, involucrar a las personas para que compartan la información en redes sociales. Finalmente, generar un mecanismo para que la población reporte casos de violencia contra la niñez.

    Así mismo, REDIM y UNICEF generaron una iniciativa llamada “10 por la Infancia”. La iniciativa tiene medidas estratégicas para avanzar en la defensa de los derechos de las niñas, niños y adolescentes con el apoyo de las instituciones gubernamentales, congresos locales y federal, y la sociedad civil. En abril del 2013 el Jefe de Gobierno del Distrito Federal firmó el acuerdo para la adopción de los 10 pasos:

    1. Garantizar a todos los niños salud y nutrición adecuadas en la primera infancia;

    2. Asegurar el acceso a agua potable y alimentos saludables en escuelas;

    3. Otorgar actas de nacimiento gratuitas a todos los niños durante el primer año de vida;

    4. Garantizar una educación de calidad para niños y adolescentes en el país, especialmente para discapacitados;

    5. Garantizar apoyos para que los adolescentes ingresen y terminen la escuela media superior;

    6. Abrir espacios de participación para adolescentes

    7. Asegurar que los adolescentes cuenten con información y servicios de salud sexual y reproductiva;

    8. Impulsar la aprobación de la Ley Federal de Justicia para Adolescentes y su efectiva implementación;

    9. Proteger contra la violencia en la familia, la escuela y la comunidad;

    10. Presentar una iniciativa de Ley General sobre Derechos de la Infancia y la Adolescencia.

    Así mismo, respecto a las acciones de incidencia en política pública, las OSCs participantes han generado diversas propuestas de políticas, además del continuo debate y posicionamiento de las sugerencias a través del proyecto “Por una Ley de Altura”; cuyo objetivo es difundir los contenidos, efectos e impacto de la Ley General de Protección a la Niñez que fue aprobada por la Cámara de Diputados, así como las áreas que requieren reestructurase para la creación de una ley integral para una mejor protección de la niñez.

    A través de la labor de la red, se ha logrado ampliar el conocimiento sobre la infancia y sus derechos, fortalecer la capacidad de organizaciones de la sociedad civil, e impulsar mecanismos legales para garantizar el cumplimiento y respeto de los derechos de la infancia.

    Foto:

    María Fernanda Carvallo, Mexico City Community Manager

    The Red por los Derechos de la Infancia en México — REDIM (Network for Children’s Rights in Mexico) was established in 2001. It is a synergy of 73 organizations seeking to adopt the Convención de los Derechos de los Niños (Convention of Children’s Rights) in the Mexican legal framework, as well as in the design of public policies directly related to children.

    The REDIM programs include building a public policy agenda about childhood and its rights, proposals for legislation on children’s rights, and workshops for creating awareness amongst parents, schools, institutions, and society about advocacy for children’s rights.

    In an attempt to spread the word about children’s rights, REDIM launched the campaign, “Girls Count Too,” in which one of the central arguments is that women who were victims of violence during childhood are more likely to be victims of violence in adulthood. The campaign took place through forums and radio interviews, creating awareness about the International Day Against Gender Violence.

    “Childhood without Violence” is a three-step campaign that aims to visualize and measure the phenomenon of childhood violence in order to stop it. First, it spreads the word about childhood violence through an online portal. Secondly, the campaign encourages the public to share information about childhood violence on social networks. Lastly, it creates a mechanism for citizens to report cases of childhood violence.

    Furthermore, REDIM and UNICEF have launched an initiative called “10 for Childhood.” The program has strategic measures to advance the rights of children and adolescents with the support of government institutions, local and federal congresses, and civil society. In April 2013, the Head of the Federal District Government signed an agreement for the adoption of the ten points:

    1. Ensure the health and nutrition of all young children;

    2. Ensure access to safe water and healthy food in schools;

    3. Provide free birth certificates to all children during their first year of life;

    4. Ensure a quality education for children and adolescents, especially for the disabled;

    5. Ensure support for adolescents entering and completing middle and high school;

    6. Open participation spaces for adolescents;

    7. Ensure that adolescents have information and services related to sexual and reproductive health;

    8. Promote the adoption of the Federal Law of Justice for Adolescents and its effective implementation;

    9. Protect against violence in families, schools, and communities;

    10. Draft the General Law initiative protecting Children’s and Adolescents’ Rights.

    With respect to public policy advocacy, participating civil society organizations have generated diverse policy proposals and the project “Por una Ley de Altura” (“For a Height Act”), which aims to disseminate the contents, effects, and impacts of the General Law on Childhood Protection that was passed by the House of Representatives. This law also details the areas that require restructuring in order to create a comprehensive law to better protect children from violence.

    REDIM has been successful in expanding on the knowledge about children and their rights; they have also strengthened the capacity of civil society organizations, and promoted legal mechanisms to ensure compliance and respect for children’s rights.

    Carlin Carr, Mumbai Community Manager

    In February 2010, 12-year-old Rouvanjit Rawla, a student at a prestigious school in Kolkata, committed suicide after being humiliated and caned by his principal. The Rawla incident set off a firestorm of controversy over widespread accounts of corporal punishment in India’s schools — from the most elite institutions to those run by the government. The Ministry of Women and Child Development subsequently banned physical punishment of students, stating of the consequences, “The first violation of the ban will invite up to one year in jail, or a fine of Rs. 50,000 or both. For subsequent violations, imprisonment could be extended to three years with an additional fine of 25,000 rupees,” says an article on the issue. Despite the measures, reports of students continuing to receive harsh physical and verbal abuses from their superiors continue to plague India’s school system.

    A study conducted last year by the Parent-Teacher Association United Forum found that 100 percent of the 150 teachers they interviewed had used corporal punishment on their students. “The findings left school principals shocked,” says a Times of India report on the issue. The principals may not have known of the extent of the issue, because few incidents were actually being reported to them, neither by the students nor by the parents. Often, parents supported the idea of punishment by the teachers, stating that the child likely deserved it.

    Pratham, one of the country’s leading education organizations, says that violence against children in many forms has been “alarmingly” on the rise. In response, Pratham’s Council for Vulnerable Children has partnered with child’s rights groups and government bodies to launch a campaign in Mumbai called “Children First.” Though still in the works, the initiative plans to tackle violence against children in two phases. The first will focus on “creating safety nets within the community by institutionalizing existing groups like child protection vigilance groups.” This phase will also advocate for policy and legal changes to protect child rights and also raise awareness around the issues. Phase two will tackle public institutions in which children engage on a daily basis, including schools, public spaces and public transport. “We are aiming at strengthening the current action along with starting new initiatives to address the issues of quality care and abuse,” says Pratham.

    Meanwhile, Delhi High Court has taken action to protect the city’s children. In July, the court asked city officials to come up with a plan for a “zero tolerance” policy to put an end to abuses against students. The rules are to be framed and put up visibly in all schools. At the same time, teachers will need to undergo training to learn alternative actions to handle students and their classrooms. Some principals have already begun training teachers to discuss issues with students or have them write out what they did wrong.

    Schools are meant to be safe spaces, and every child has the right to learn without fear of abuse. India is not alone in the situation; in fact, corporal punishment is still legal in 20 states in the U.S. The New York Times held an online debate on the issue; since hitting is still accepted by some communities, especially in the southern states, the practices continues. What are your thoughts? Should corporal punishment be banned outright? Is there ever a place for it? How has your community handled it?

    Photo credit: Satish Krishnamurthy

    Felix Nyamedor, Accra City Community Manager

    Many of Accra’s street children are migrants from other parts of Ghana who followed others in the name of greener pastures. Other street children were trafficked to the city centre by older people and were left to fend for themselves. These children find ways to survive by engaging in activities ranging from being porters to selling goods on the street. The boys often earn money by shining shoes, pushing trucks, gathering refuse and carrying it to the dump site. Many also trade sex for money. In reaction to these alarming hardships, a number of important organizations are working to give these street children a voice, using a number of different approaches.

    The core mandate of the government-owned Osu Children’s Home is to take children from the street and provide them with appropriate care. The goal is to afford them hope for a better future and to fully reintegrate all children admitted into the home into mainstream society. After working with the children, they are reintegrated into their families. Unfortunately, this is the home’s only option, because of lack of funding and challenges in maintaining the home.

    The Hope for the Nations organization, which runs the Agape Children’s Home, represents another model. The program rescues children from street life and provides foster parents to care for them. Each child lives in a separate family unit with foster parents and up to six other children. The children interact with the rest of the home’s community on a daily basis, and communication with relatives is encouraged to give support to the children.

    Plan Ghana and the Street Children Empowerment Foundation work together to organize events for street children to discuss “streetism,” its causes, effects, and solutions. Child ambassadors meet with street children to discuss these issues and how to partner to end “streetism.” Many street children in Accra have been reintegrated to their families through this process.

    A final, education-based model is put into action with The Universal Wonderful Street Academy, which takes children from the streets into classrooms, where they are educated, clothed, and fed with one meal a day at no cost.

    These organizations are using a variety of complementary approaches to provide a deserved future for Accra’s street children.

    Photo credit: Ojewsika

    Widya Anggraini, Jakarta Community Manager

    Komisi Nasional Perlindungan Anak melaporkan sedikitnya ada 2.637 kasus kekerasan terhadap anak sepanjang tahun 2012 dan 62 persen diantaranya merupakan kekerasan seksual terhadap anak dimana mayoritas korban berasal dari kalangan ekonomi menengah ke bawah. Tren kasus kekerasan terhadap anak meningkat tiap tahunnya. Tingginya angka kekerasan ini menunjukkan betapa buruknya perlindungan anak dan minimnya kebijakan yang berpihak terhadap anak. Secara nasional, negara merespon dengan mengeluarkan undang-undang perlindungan anak yang menyatakan dengan jelas bahwa negara menjamin dan melindungi anak dan hak-haknya agar dapat hidup, tumbuh, berkembang secara optimal serta mendapat perlindungan dari kekerasan dan diskriminasi. Munculnya Undang-undang ini diikuti oleh keluarnya peraturan standar minimum pelayanan terpadu bagi perempuan dan anak korban kekerasan.

    Yang menarik dari standar minimum pelayanan ini adalah kewajiban bagi tiap daerah untuk menyediakan Pusat Pelayanan Terpadu (one stop service) atau PPT untuk korban kekerasan. PPT ini sendiri akan melibatkan rumah sakit, puskesmas, unit pelayanan perempuan dan anak yang berbasis di kantor polisi, lembaga bantuan hukum, trauma center, rumah perlindungan anak (shelter) dan jejaring lain yang dapat membantu proses penyembuhan korban.

    Untuk wilayah DKI Jakarta sendiri telah membentuk Pusat Pelayanan Terpadu Pemberdayaan Perempuan dan Anak (P2TP2A). Institusi ini memiliki beragam program dan layanan termasuk Hotline service 24 jam bagi para korban, pendampingan litigasi dan non litigasi, penanganna tahap awal bagi korban, penanganan tahap lanjutan serta pendidikan bagi relawan P2TP2A tentang penanganan korban kekerasan terhadap anak dan perempuan.

    Ilustrasinya adalah seperti berikut : korban bisa melapor melalui layanan hotline 24 jam atau datang langsung ke kantor P2TP2A, setelah melalui proses registrasi maka seseorang di P2TP2A akan mencatat laporan dan memberikan masukan sebagai bagian dari rencana intervensi. Bentuk intervensi bermacam-macam tergantung keinginan dan kebutuhan korban serta masukan dari ahli. Beberapa jenis pelayanan yang tersedia adalah (1) pendampingan dan bantuan hukum dengan mitra Unit Perlindungan Perempuan dan Anak di Polda Metro Jaya dan Polres wilayah; (2) pelayanan kesehatan dengan mitra dinas kesehatan melalui rumah sakit dan puskesmas kecamatan; (3) Pelayanan Psikososial diberikan oleh psikolog klinis dari P2TP2A; (4) Pelayanan rumah aman dengan mitra dari DInas Sosial dan Departemen sosial; (5) Pemulangan dan Reintegrasi dengan mitra pemerintah daerah asal korban yang masuk dalam daftar Mitra Praja Utama di 10 provinsi.

    Menurut data P2TP2A DKI Jakarta sejak tahun 2007-2012 telah masuk total 7.726 kasus kekerasan yang dikerjakan bersama mitra. Dari total jumlah pelapor, 26 persen merupakan kasus kekerasan terhadap anak. Semua kasus tersebut diterima dan telah ditangani oleh P2TPA bersama mitra. Mengingat kasus kekerasan terhadap anak di jakarta tahun 2012 meningkat dua kali lipat dibandingkan tahun 2010 dengan modus operandi yang kian beragam maka masyarakat diimbau agar tidak segan melapor jika terjadi kekerasan anak sebab kini pelaku kekerasan, terutama kekerasan seksual, kerap adalah keluarga dekat seperti ayah kandung, ayah tiri, paman bahkan guru. Selain itu, P2TP2A juga memiliki relawan di tiap desa dan kecamatan untuk memantau dan melaporkan jika terjadi kekerasan di wilayahnya.

    Foto: Wonosobo

    Widya Anggraini, Jakarta Community Manager

    The National Commission for Child Protection reported at least 2,637 cases of violence against children in 2012 with 62 percent comprising of sexual abuse cases, in which the majority of the victims are from the middle and lower classes. Cases of child violence have seen an upward trend and are increasing each year. This high rate of violence points to the appalling state of child protection and to the lack of policies directed towards it. On a national level, the state has responded by issuing a child protection act which makes clear their guarantee to protect children and their rights in order for them to live, grow, achieve optimal development, and receive protection from violence and discrimination. The emergence of this act was followed by the issuance of minimum integrated service standard policies for women and child victims of violence.

    What is interesting about this minimum service standard is the obligation of each region to provide One Stop Service Centers (Pusat Pelayanan Terpadu, or PPT) for victims of violence. The PPT involves hospitals, health centers, women and child service units based in police stations, legal aid, trauma centers, child shelters, and other networks which assist with the victims’ healing process.

    In the Jakarta region, a One Stop Service Center for Women and Children (P2TP2A) has been established. This institution has a variety of programs and services, including a 24-hour service hotline for victims, litigation and non-litigation assistance, and handling of the early stages as well as the advanced stages of educating P2TP2A volunteers on women and child victims of violence.

    The program works as follows: the victim may make a report via the 24-hour service hotline or go directly to the P2TP2A office after undergoing a registration process, where an associate makes a record of the report and provides input as part of the intervention plan. The form of intervention varies depending on the wants and needs of the victims as well as input from the experts. Some of the types of services available are (1) mentoring and legal assistance in collaboration with the Women and Children Protection Unit in the Jakarta Police institution; (2) health services through the program’s partnerships with hospitals and district health centers, (3) psychological services provided by a clinical psychologist from P2TP2A; (4) home safety services through their partners in Social Services and the Social Department; (5) Return and Reintegration of victims through local government partners.

    According to data collected by P2TP2A and their partners, Jakarta recorded a total of 7,726 cases of violence in 2007-2012. Of the total number reported, 26 percent were cases of violence against children. All cases were received and handled by P2TP2A and their partners. Bearing in mind that in 2012, cases of violence against children in Jakarta had doubled since 2010, with an increasingly diverse modus operandi, it is recommended that the community not hesitate to report any instances of child abuse as offenders, especially sexual violence offenders, are often close relatives such as fathers, stepfathers, uncles and even teachers. To help with on-the-ground monitoring, the P2TP2A has volunteers in each village and district to monitor and report any cases of violence.

    Photo: Wonosobo

    Catalina Gomez, Coordenadora da Rede em São Paulo

    Assegurar que as crianças e adolescentes tenham seus direitos assegurados e protegidos de qualquer forma de violência deveria ser uma prioridade de todos os países. Neste sentido, Brasil vem fazendo vários esforços que envolvem a parceria entre o governo e a sociedade civil, nos níveis nacionais e municipais.

    Um dos esforços mais importantes no reconhecimento dos direitos das crianças e adolescentes tem sido a aprovação do Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente (ECA) em 1990. O ECA é um conjunto de normas que detalham os direitos das crianças e identificam os protocolos de atenção nos casos de violência, delinquência e justiça de menores.

    Baseado no ECA, as autoridades brasileiras tem criado uma rede pública de proteção ás crianças e adolescentes de qualquer forma de violência, abuso e negligencia. O ponto focal desta rede é o Conselho Tutelar, uma entidade descentralizada e autônoma, encarregada pela sociedade de zelar pelo cumprimento dos direitos da criança e do adolescente. Segundo a lei, cada município deve ter pelo menos um conselho em funcionamento.

    O ECA também detalha que cada Conselho Tutelar esteja conformado por cinco membros eleitos pela comunidade a cada três anos. Os conselheiros são posições pagas que requerem de conhecimento dos direitos das crianças. Aquele arranjo promove a participação da sociedade civil, incluindo líderes comunitários e representantes de ONGs que tem bom conhecimento de suas comunidades e suas necessidades.

    São Paulo tem vários arranjos para responder á violência contra as crianças, incluindo 44 Conselhos Tutelares localizados no todo seu território. O mandado destes conselhos é coordenar esforços entre o governo e a sociedade civil em torno aos direitos das crianças. Alguns dos principais órgãos que trabalham na rede são a policia, a Secretaria Municipal de Assistência Social e o Ministério Público.

    A cidade também tem 26 Centros de Referencia Especializada da Assistência Social (CREAS), que tem como objetivo providenciar assistência de meia e alta complexidade para as crianças e famílias vitimas de violência e abuso. Para aquelas crianças que tem sido vitimas, os CREAS providenciam conselheiros e referencia a abrigos temporários públicos sem custo.

    Bem, temos a rede e a oferta de serviços públicos que atendem casos de violência. Mais existe muito trabalho pela frente. Por exemplo, ainda é preciso gerar uma parceria mais sólida entre o governo e a sociedade civil na prevenção e atenção da violência contra as crianças. Também é uma prioridade treinar, capacitar e conceder pleno reconhecimento aos membros do Conselho Tutelar nas suas funções. Finalmente é preciso gerar maior conhecimento e compreensão sobre as varias dimensões da violência contra as crianças e suas causas para dar respostas mais eficientes e integrais.

    Catalina Gomez, São Paulo Community Manager

    Ensuring that all children and adolescents have their basic rights met and are protected from any form of violence must be a priority in every country. In Brazil, a number of efforts have been taking place over the years and involve collaboration among government institutions and civil society, both at the national and city levels.

    One of the main milestones in recognizing children’s and adolescents’ rights was the approval of the Child and Adolescent Statute in 1990. This statute compiles a series of laws and regulations spelling out the rights of children, as well as identifying the minimum standards and protocols for managing situations of violence, delinquency, and justice for minors.

    Based on the statute, Brazilian authorities created a specialized public network for child protection, not only from violence but from any form of abuse or neglect. The main focal point of this network is the Guardian Council (Conselho Tutelar). The Council is a decentralized and autonomous entity that ensures overall compliance with the rights of minors. According to the law, every city must have at least one functioning council.

    The law also mandates that each Guardian Council is formed by five elected members of the community for a period of three years. These are paid positions that require specialized knowledge of children’s and adolescents’ rights. Such arrangement promotes civil society representation in Guardian Councils, including community leaders and NGO representatives, who best know the conditions of their own communities, and the challenges faced to ensure children’s and adolescents’ well-being in their neighborhoods.

    As Brazil’s biggest city, São Paulo has several initiatives that deal with child violence. To start with, it has not one, but 44 Guardian Councils, which are located throughout the city so they can ensure adequate and localized efforts towards protecting children from violence. The Councils don’t deliver counseling or provide any direct services — instead, they coordinate efforts by government and civil society to prevent and combat child violence in the city. Some of the key actors that support the Council’s work include the police, the municipal secretariat of social assistance, and the public prosecutor.

    The city also has 26 Specialized Social Assistance Centers, known as CREAS, which support children and families that have been victims of violence and abuse. For those children, the CREAS provide counseling and references to adequate shelter services from a network of public services, all for free.

    The networks are in place, and there is a public supply of specialized services. But let’s face the truth: there are still many challenges ahead in the fight against child violence. First, there is a need for even more collaboration and support among government and civil society organizations to act at the neighborhood level in the prevention of child violence. Secondly, there is a need for more recognition and training for the Guardian Council members, who in many cases are not able to comply with their mandates due to the lack of human and financial resources. Finally, there needs to be greater knowledge and understanding of the various dimensions of violence and their root causes to provide better and more comprehensive responses.

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

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    Submitted by Editor — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Ulfat Jahan, Dhaka Community Manager

    Bangladeshi garment factories have become synonymous with deathbeds, as evidenced by the frequent accidents, fires, and building collapses in recent years. The recent building collapse in Savar caused the deaths of thousands of workers. As a consequence, foreign investors are withdrawing their investments from the garments sector, which accounts for 80 percent of the country’s export earnings. It is surprising that despite the overwhelming importance of this sector, law enforcement in this sector is depressingly weak.

    How do we explain the negligence towards safety in such a vital sector? One explanation is that 42 percent of the owners of garment factories are in fact lawmakers, and proper enforcement of the safety regulations would reduce their profits. They have little incentive to facilitate the enforcement of these laws. The major buyers, another important group of stakeholders, have taken initiatives such as producing training films and conducting private audits, but these initiatives have made only a small impact. The trainings are ineffective when confronted with real crisis situations, and the private audits have been proved to be futile since some of the factories that had passed these audits experienced major accidents soon after.

    The indifference of the lawmakers and the failure of the buyers are frustrating, but there are other actors fighting for workers’ rights. Although the Bangladeshi government has been restrictive regarding the formation of trade unions, the National Garment Workers’ Federation (NGWF), Bangladesh’s largest trade union federation, has been relentlessly working for garment workers’ rights for 29 years. Two of its main objectives are to ensure decent working conditions and fair living wages. The NGWF negotiates with the government, factory owners, and multinational corporations for stronger legislation and proper enforcement. Additionally, it provides legal advice to workers and organizes training sessions to create awareness among the workers about their rights. The NGWF drafted the Bangladesh Fire and Building Safety Agreement in 2011 with other labor organizations; it proposes the creation of a team of independent inspectors to ensure safe working environments. However, the major buyers denied the proposal since it requires massive investment. The Savar tragedy has revived the enthusiasm of NGWF’s president, Mr. Amin, who has started a petition calling on retailers such as Primark, Matalan, Mango, and Bonmarche to sign the agreement, as these companies had contracts with the factories in the collapsed building. As of May 2013, Primark and H&M had signed the agreement due to popular pressure.

    The Bangladesh Center for Workers Solidarity (BCWS) is a non-profit organization that also promotes workers’ rights in the apparel industry. In addition to building the workers’ capacity to advocate for their rights, BCWS is renowned for the documentation of labor abuses and violations of labor rights. Its leadership training program for female garment workers has successfully educated workers about their rights, and has led to the creation of female-led trade unions in a number of factories.

    These organizations’ road to success is not easy. It is difficult to attract exhausted and underpaid garment workers to union meetings. More challenging is to influence the government and the buyers, since the interests of these two groups sharply contradict with the workers’ interests. In addition, court cases and police repression against members are all too common.

    Hopefully, the Bangladesh Fire and Building Safety Agreement will be signed and will be implemented effectively, improving the factories’ working conditions. The labor organizations must work together to negotiate with the lawmakers, and should raise support from international consumers as the consumers’ collective buying power can significantly impact the retailers.

    Photo credit: Rijans

    Submitted by Carlin Carr — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Carlin Carr, Bangalore Community Manager

    The Bangladesh garment factory collapse reminded us of the humanity behind our everyday fashion. The substandard conditions are common to stitchers in Bangalore as well. Even before the tragedy in Dhaka, Bangalore played host to a people’s tribunal, “Living Wages for Garment Workers,” to hear the voices behind the brands speak on issues related to living wages and decent working conditions as a human right. It was the “first-ever attempt” to bring together workers from all major apparel hubs from across India.

    Bangalore has 500,000 garment workers — almost 90 percent of whom are women. They work for wages that would take them months to save for the fashionable items they spend long hours making. A Guardian article on the 2012 tribunal says the national textile industry is worth $53 million a year and employs 35 million people across India. “Garment exports are worth £21bn. But human rights campaigners accuse international brands of subcontracting to firms paying poverty wages to the people who make their clothes.” In addition, workers at the tribunal spoke out on abuse for not meeting impossible quotas, lack of drinking water and toilets, poor healthcare, and long working hours. Many of the women are sole breadwinners for their households and face hurdles in educating their children on such low wages.

    Trade union leaders say that Bangalore’s garment workers are being paid half of what they should be paid for supplying to major retail outlets such as Gap and Walmart. “The textile industry accounts for nearly 12 percent share of the country’s total exports,” said K.R. Jayaram of the Garment and Textile Workers’ Union (GATWU) in an article in The Hindu. “Despite the economic importance of this industry, garment workers receive less than half of what is needed to support their families.” GATWU has successfully lobbied for higher minimum wages in Karnataka, Bangalore’s home state, though these are incremental steps toward a livable wage and many workers continue to get paid below minimum standards.

    While unions such as GATWU have made headway, grassroots organizing for female garment workers faces its own challenges. Since many employers are against unionization, employees fear joining unions. Also, according to a study on Bangalore’s garment workers, female laborers have many responsibilities besides their jobs, and “the practicalities of their lives leave the women with limited energy, time or space to engage in the activities necessary to build solidarity.” The complicating factors have forced grassroots movements to take creative approaches to aligning the women for their own cause. The study cites the example of Munnade, which started off as a micro-savings scheme for women. The group grew tighter and within a couple of years emerged as a women’s movement. Today, as a union, Munnade “has given women the confidence to begin to challenge their work conditions.”

    In the aftermath of the Bangladesh disaster, female workers in Bangalore spoke out again on issues that continue to go neglected. Little progress has been made since last year’s tribunal. It took devastating circumstances in the U.S., such as the Triangle Shirtwaist Factory fire in New York in 1911 that killed 146, to improve the conditions of garment workers there. Disaster has already struck neighboring Bangladesh. Hopefully India will tighten regulations before headlines burn with yet another tragedy.

    Photo credit: Pagla Dashu

    Submitted by Katy Fentress — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Katy Fentress, Nairobi Community Manager

    Nairobi is not the city it was five years ago.

    The capital of Kenya is transforming its skyline: high-rises are mushrooming up and away from the Central Business District in a quest to find unoccupied space and expand. Accompanying this vertical climb is the ongoing construction of a network of roads and bypasses, aimed to make Nairobi a more fluid and modern city.

    Some of the key roads that are now nearing completion have been under construction for years. This has opened up an opportunity for street vendors to create informal markets and stalls from which to provide the workforce with food and refreshments.

    One such cluster of traders has been operating from an area called Riverside for half a decade. “When we first came here we agreed with the City Council that we could stay,” says Mary Wambui, who prepares large quantities of tea, maize meal, and stew over a small wood fire in a series of scorched and battered tin pots. “The agreement was verbal and they never issued us with licenses. Over the years we have been forced to move again and again. Recently the police have really stepped up the pressure: as soon as they move us from one precarious piece of land to another, the cycle of harassment starts again.”

    Frustrated by what they see as double standards on the part of their constituency officers that on the one hand charge them a set fee to operate their stalls but, on the other, disrupt their work, the vendors have organized themselves into a formal self-help group.

    The objective of the group is to petition their constituency representatives into recognizing that they are providing a much-needed service to workmen and commuters alike, and that as such they should be assigned a plot of land from which to operate.

    “We would like it if the City Council built modern kiosks for us,” says Simon Wachira, head of the association. “A few years back we were told that there was some money that had been set aside to help us relocate but that members of the previous administration took it for themselves. As a result, now we would just like to be assigned a piece of land and have a license to operate without fear of harassment; once we have that we can, as a group, find a loan with which to build the kiosks by ourselves.”

    Without any documents to prove they were given consent to trade on the road, the association is faced with an uphill struggle. Nevertheless they are determined to open up a dialogue with their councilor and to use their strength as a registered organization to negotiate a series of basic rights for themselves.

    “This morning the police came and made a swoop,” says Wambui. “We had just finished cooking, but now we have no plates on which to serve food. Instead of going to the police station ten kilometers away, we have decided to write a letter, which we will present directly to our councilor. If they want to relocate us it is fine, but now we are a group and as such they must treat us with more respect.”

    For a small group of traders like this, formalization is the first step towards ensuring legal recognition and, in time, to secure the ability to ply their trade without fear of eviction and harassment. The newly elected government has still not made it clear how it intends to deal with what is a divisive citywide issue. The fate of these and many other informal traders is yet to be sealed.

    Submitted by Wura — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Olatawura Ladipo-Ajayi, Lagos Community Manager

    Labour laws exist to protect employees from exploitation by their employers. Unfortunately, many companies and factories in Lagos do not adhere to these laws, leading to overworked, underpaid workers who perform in hostile, unhealthy, and dangerous work environments. In one recent case in Lagos, an employee lost his life while on duty in a Chinese-owned nylon manufacturing company with over 500 factory employees. This incident set off a series of worker protests against labour violations and unjust employment conduct.

    Earlier this year, the workers of the Chinese factory went on strike, demanding retribution for the family of their deceased co-worker who passed away. They protested against the lack of safety tools, and for better work conditions, fewer working hours, and increased pay. In this factory, employees work long hours and are paid below the stated minimum wage as a contract staff. The Campaign for Democratic Workers Rights (CDWR) has been instrumental in supporting the factory workers’ struggle for better employment conditions.

    The CDWR is an international campaign that aims to promote and to strengthen the workers’ movement in Nigeria by providing practical and financial solidarity. The organisation is known to take up the causes of various work groups, including the LAGBUS workers’ union formation in 2008, and the Lagos State Rural Transport Initiative’s reduction of work hours from 60 hours to 40 hours per week in 2011. The CDWR is now championing the cause of the Lagos-based Chinese factory workers. The organization sees the need for the creation of a union at the factory to help the workers advance their cause with this issue, and in the future should the need arise. With support from the CDWR, the workers have petitioned the factory for the creation of a union to help negotiate better working conditions and better pay. As the publicity secretary for CDWR has stated, this is the surest way to ensure that labour laws are adhered to and that workers rights are not constantly violated by the company.

    On behalf of the factory’s staff, the CDWR demands not only that the management allows unionization of employees, but also that it pays adequate compensation to the family of the deceased worker, that it provides enough safety tools, and better working conditions for all workers so as to avoid future casualties. The organisation is also petitioning the management to end “casualisation” in the company, a practice that allows the majority of staff to be underpaid, since they are considered contract staff. Furthermore, the CDWR is appealing to the Nigeria Labour Congress to get involved in ending unjust labour practices. Conversations regarding unionization are still ongoing between the company, its employees, and the CDWR, but since the CDWR’s intervention, the factory has introduced some safety and precautionary tools to the factory. The organisation is dedicated to seeing the issue of unionization resolved and is prepared to support the workers’ cause for as long as it takes to secure just labour terms.

    Photo credit: Tontodike

    Submitted by Catalina Gomez — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Catalina Gomez, Coordenadora da Rede em Rio de Janeiro

    Brasil vem avançando a partir de 1950 na expansão da proteção básica para todos seus trabalhadores. Entre os avanços mais importantes estão à aprovação de um conjunto de leis e normas para garantir um salario mínimo para todos os trabalhadores formais, além de outros benefícios, como o seguro de desemprego, beneficio de maternidade, aceso a um fundo de popança, feiras remuneradas e bolsas de transporte e alimentação.

    Reconhecendo estes avanços o principal desafio que o Brasil enfrenta atualmente é aumentar a formalização de trabalhadores que continuam na informalidade. Para colocar uma perspectiva de cidade, observemos a situação no Rio de Janeiro. Segundo a iniciativa cidadã Rio Como Vamos, em 2007 Rio tenha 2,174,568 trabalhadores formais e em 2011, só foram registrados 320 mil trabalhadores a mais, tornando-se urgente maiores esforços na formalização. Os grupos que seriam mais favorecidos com esforços específicos de formalização são os pequenos empreendedores de baixa renda e outros trabalhadores informais com pouca visibilidade tais como os domésticos e catadores de lixo.

    Outro tema prioritário que precisa melhoria é a educação dos trabalhadores. Atualmente em torno de 40 por cento dos trabalhadores só tem completado ensino médio. Como os setores de maior crescimento na cidade são aqueles de serviços e comercio, é prioritário educar e treinar os trabalhadores para este mercado. Além destes esforços também é urgente aprimorar a capacidade daqueles trabalhadores para conseguir empregos melhor pagos sendo que 52 por cento dos trabalhadores tem uma renda media mensal de 2 salários mínimos.

    Para atender estes desafios no Rio, existem varias iniciativas lideradas pelo governo local. Por exemplo, existem varias iniciativas e serviços que oferecem apoio aos trabalhadores a formalizar suas atividades. A maioria destes serviços é oferecida pelos Centros Públicos de Emprego, Trabalho, e Renda localizados em áreas estratégicas da cidade. Estes centros oferecem informação para os trabalhadores no processo de formalização e na expedição da carteira de trabalho. Adicionalmente, a Secretaria Municipal de Educação, opera os Centros de Educação para Jovens e Adultos (CEJA) para que pessoas de baixa renda possam completar os ciclos de ensino fundamental e meio, além de achar oportunidades de treinamento e de geração de renda. Para facilitar o aceso, muitos dos cursos podem ser feitos mediante aulas virtuais.

    Um desafio que ainda precisa urgente atenção é a melhora no aceso e qualidade de creches e educação infantil para os filhos dos trabalhadores, especialmente para as mulheres chefe de família. Atualmente o governo local vem fazendo melhoras, mais ainda precisa dar uma expansão significativa que beneficie mais trabalhadores.

    Crédito fotográfico: Portal Brasil

    Submitted by Catalina Gomez — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Catalina Gomez, Rio de Janeiro Community Manager

    Since the 1950s, Brazil has been taking important steps to ensure the basic protection of all its workers. The most relevant advances include the approval of a series of laws and regulations that ensure formal workers a minimum wage, and a number of benefits, including unemployment benefits, maternity leave, access to a pension fund, and paid time off, and sometimes transportation and meal subsidies.

    Given these advances in workers’ protection, Brazil’s current challenge is to increase formality among workers who remain informal, so that they too can receive the various basic protections and benefits associated with formality. To illustrate this challenge, let’s take Rio de Janeiro as an example of what happens at the city level. According to the citizen initiative Rio Como Vamos, in 2007, there were 2,174,568 formal workers in Rio de Janeiro. Five years later, there were only 320,000 more formal workers. In order to significantly increase the number of formal workers, efforts are needed to target low-income populations working as entrepreneurs and also in other less visible sectors, like domestic work and waste picking.

    Another aspect that needs to be improved is the education levels of the city’s workers, as only 40 percent of them have completed middle school education. Given that Rio’s fastest-growing sectors include services and commerce, educating and training the labor force would let them qualify for these dynamic sectors. Workers also need greater access to better paying jobs than their current ones, as about 52 percent of formal workers in Rio only earn up to twice the minimum wage.

    In order to improve workers’ conditions in Rio, there are various measures being implemented at the city level. The local government promotes a series of campaigns and assistance to low-income workers so that they can receive support in formalizing their work. This is carried out by the Centros Públicos de Emprego, Trabalho, e Renda (the Public Employment, Labor, and Intermediation Centers), which are located throughout the city. In these centers, low-income workers receive guidance on the requirements and benefits of formalizing their activities, and they can get help in issuing their worker’s identification. In addition, the city’s education secretariat operates various youth and adult education centers, where residents can continue their primary and middle school education, and be connected to additional training or practical income-generating activities. Some of these courses offered by these centers can be carried out virtually, which facilitates access.

    A key aspect that is still unresolved is ensuring better access to affordable and quality childcare, which has always been one of the biggest bottlenecks for working parents, especially women. Currently, the local government is supporting initiatives to expand such services, but greater efforts need to be taken in order to benefit even more of Rio’s workers.

    Photo credit: Portal Brasil

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    • Dhaka
    • Bangalore
    • Nairobi
    • Lagos
    • Rio (po)
    • Rio (en)

    Submitted by Editor — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Ulfat Jahan, Dhaka Community Manager

    Bangladeshi garment factories have become synonymous with deathbeds, as evidenced by the frequent accidents, fires, and building collapses in recent years. The recent building collapse in Savar caused the deaths of thousands of workers. As a consequence, foreign investors are withdrawing their investments from the garments sector, which accounts for 80 percent of the country’s export earnings. It is surprising that despite the overwhelming importance of this sector, law enforcement in this sector is depressingly weak.

    How do we explain the negligence towards safety in such a vital sector? One explanation is that 42 percent of the owners of garment factories are in fact lawmakers, and proper enforcement of the safety regulations would reduce their profits. They have little incentive to facilitate the enforcement of these laws. The major buyers, another important group of stakeholders, have taken initiatives such as producing training films and conducting private audits, but these initiatives have made only a small impact. The trainings are ineffective when confronted with real crisis situations, and the private audits have been proved to be futile since some of the factories that had passed these audits experienced major accidents soon after.

    The indifference of the lawmakers and the failure of the buyers are frustrating, but there are other actors fighting for workers’ rights. Although the Bangladeshi government has been restrictive regarding the formation of trade unions, the National Garment Workers’ Federation (NGWF), Bangladesh’s largest trade union federation, has been relentlessly working for garment workers’ rights for 29 years. Two of its main objectives are to ensure decent working conditions and fair living wages. The NGWF negotiates with the government, factory owners, and multinational corporations for stronger legislation and proper enforcement. Additionally, it provides legal advice to workers and organizes training sessions to create awareness among the workers about their rights. The NGWF drafted the Bangladesh Fire and Building Safety Agreement in 2011 with other labor organizations; it proposes the creation of a team of independent inspectors to ensure safe working environments. However, the major buyers denied the proposal since it requires massive investment. The Savar tragedy has revived the enthusiasm of NGWF’s president, Mr. Amin, who has started a petition calling on retailers such as Primark, Matalan, Mango, and Bonmarche to sign the agreement, as these companies had contracts with the factories in the collapsed building. As of May 2013, Primark and H&M had signed the agreement due to popular pressure.

    The Bangladesh Center for Workers Solidarity (BCWS) is a non-profit organization that also promotes workers’ rights in the apparel industry. In addition to building the workers’ capacity to advocate for their rights, BCWS is renowned for the documentation of labor abuses and violations of labor rights. Its leadership training program for female garment workers has successfully educated workers about their rights, and has led to the creation of female-led trade unions in a number of factories.

    These organizations’ road to success is not easy. It is difficult to attract exhausted and underpaid garment workers to union meetings. More challenging is to influence the government and the buyers, since the interests of these two groups sharply contradict with the workers’ interests. In addition, court cases and police repression against members are all too common.

    Hopefully, the Bangladesh Fire and Building Safety Agreement will be signed and will be implemented effectively, improving the factories’ working conditions. The labor organizations must work together to negotiate with the lawmakers, and should raise support from international consumers as the consumers’ collective buying power can significantly impact the retailers.

    Photo credit: Rijans

    Submitted by Carlin Carr — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Carlin Carr, Bangalore Community Manager

    The Bangladesh garment factory collapse reminded us of the humanity behind our everyday fashion. The substandard conditions are common to stitchers in Bangalore as well. Even before the tragedy in Dhaka, Bangalore played host to a people’s tribunal, “Living Wages for Garment Workers,” to hear the voices behind the brands speak on issues related to living wages and decent working conditions as a human right. It was the “first-ever attempt” to bring together workers from all major apparel hubs from across India.

    Bangalore has 500,000 garment workers — almost 90 percent of whom are women. They work for wages that would take them months to save for the fashionable items they spend long hours making. A Guardian article on the 2012 tribunal says the national textile industry is worth $53 million a year and employs 35 million people across India. “Garment exports are worth £21bn. But human rights campaigners accuse international brands of subcontracting to firms paying poverty wages to the people who make their clothes.” In addition, workers at the tribunal spoke out on abuse for not meeting impossible quotas, lack of drinking water and toilets, poor healthcare, and long working hours. Many of the women are sole breadwinners for their households and face hurdles in educating their children on such low wages.

    Trade union leaders say that Bangalore’s garment workers are being paid half of what they should be paid for supplying to major retail outlets such as Gap and Walmart. “The textile industry accounts for nearly 12 percent share of the country’s total exports,” said K.R. Jayaram of the Garment and Textile Workers’ Union (GATWU) in an article in The Hindu. “Despite the economic importance of this industry, garment workers receive less than half of what is needed to support their families.” GATWU has successfully lobbied for higher minimum wages in Karnataka, Bangalore’s home state, though these are incremental steps toward a livable wage and many workers continue to get paid below minimum standards.

    While unions such as GATWU have made headway, grassroots organizing for female garment workers faces its own challenges. Since many employers are against unionization, employees fear joining unions. Also, according to a study on Bangalore’s garment workers, female laborers have many responsibilities besides their jobs, and “the practicalities of their lives leave the women with limited energy, time or space to engage in the activities necessary to build solidarity.” The complicating factors have forced grassroots movements to take creative approaches to aligning the women for their own cause. The study cites the example of Munnade, which started off as a micro-savings scheme for women. The group grew tighter and within a couple of years emerged as a women’s movement. Today, as a union, Munnade “has given women the confidence to begin to challenge their work conditions.”

    In the aftermath of the Bangladesh disaster, female workers in Bangalore spoke out again on issues that continue to go neglected. Little progress has been made since last year’s tribunal. It took devastating circumstances in the U.S., such as the Triangle Shirtwaist Factory fire in New York in 1911 that killed 146, to improve the conditions of garment workers there. Disaster has already struck neighboring Bangladesh. Hopefully India will tighten regulations before headlines burn with yet another tragedy.

    Photo credit: Pagla Dashu

    Submitted by Katy Fentress — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Katy Fentress, Nairobi Community Manager

    Nairobi is not the city it was five years ago.

    The capital of Kenya is transforming its skyline: high-rises are mushrooming up and away from the Central Business District in a quest to find unoccupied space and expand. Accompanying this vertical climb is the ongoing construction of a network of roads and bypasses, aimed to make Nairobi a more fluid and modern city.

    Some of the key roads that are now nearing completion have been under construction for years. This has opened up an opportunity for street vendors to create informal markets and stalls from which to provide the workforce with food and refreshments.

    One such cluster of traders has been operating from an area called Riverside for half a decade. “When we first came here we agreed with the City Council that we could stay,” says Mary Wambui, who prepares large quantities of tea, maize meal, and stew over a small wood fire in a series of scorched and battered tin pots. “The agreement was verbal and they never issued us with licenses. Over the years we have been forced to move again and again. Recently the police have really stepped up the pressure: as soon as they move us from one precarious piece of land to another, the cycle of harassment starts again.”

    Frustrated by what they see as double standards on the part of their constituency officers that on the one hand charge them a set fee to operate their stalls but, on the other, disrupt their work, the vendors have organized themselves into a formal self-help group.

    The objective of the group is to petition their constituency representatives into recognizing that they are providing a much-needed service to workmen and commuters alike, and that as such they should be assigned a plot of land from which to operate.

    “We would like it if the City Council built modern kiosks for us,” says Simon Wachira, head of the association. “A few years back we were told that there was some money that had been set aside to help us relocate but that members of the previous administration took it for themselves. As a result, now we would just like to be assigned a piece of land and have a license to operate without fear of harassment; once we have that we can, as a group, find a loan with which to build the kiosks by ourselves.”

    Without any documents to prove they were given consent to trade on the road, the association is faced with an uphill struggle. Nevertheless they are determined to open up a dialogue with their councilor and to use their strength as a registered organization to negotiate a series of basic rights for themselves.

    “This morning the police came and made a swoop,” says Wambui. “We had just finished cooking, but now we have no plates on which to serve food. Instead of going to the police station ten kilometers away, we have decided to write a letter, which we will present directly to our councilor. If they want to relocate us it is fine, but now we are a group and as such they must treat us with more respect.”

    For a small group of traders like this, formalization is the first step towards ensuring legal recognition and, in time, to secure the ability to ply their trade without fear of eviction and harassment. The newly elected government has still not made it clear how it intends to deal with what is a divisive citywide issue. The fate of these and many other informal traders is yet to be sealed.

    Submitted by Wura — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Olatawura Ladipo-Ajayi, Lagos Community Manager

    Labour laws exist to protect employees from exploitation by their employers. Unfortunately, many companies and factories in Lagos do not adhere to these laws, leading to overworked, underpaid workers who perform in hostile, unhealthy, and dangerous work environments. In one recent case in Lagos, an employee lost his life while on duty in a Chinese-owned nylon manufacturing company with over 500 factory employees. This incident set off a series of worker protests against labour violations and unjust employment conduct.

    Earlier this year, the workers of the Chinese factory went on strike, demanding retribution for the family of their deceased co-worker who passed away. They protested against the lack of safety tools, and for better work conditions, fewer working hours, and increased pay. In this factory, employees work long hours and are paid below the stated minimum wage as a contract staff. The Campaign for Democratic Workers Rights (CDWR) has been instrumental in supporting the factory workers’ struggle for better employment conditions.

    The CDWR is an international campaign that aims to promote and to strengthen the workers’ movement in Nigeria by providing practical and financial solidarity. The organisation is known to take up the causes of various work groups, including the LAGBUS workers’ union formation in 2008, and the Lagos State Rural Transport Initiative’s reduction of work hours from 60 hours to 40 hours per week in 2011. The CDWR is now championing the cause of the Lagos-based Chinese factory workers. The organization sees the need for the creation of a union at the factory to help the workers advance their cause with this issue, and in the future should the need arise. With support from the CDWR, the workers have petitioned the factory for the creation of a union to help negotiate better working conditions and better pay. As the publicity secretary for CDWR has stated, this is the surest way to ensure that labour laws are adhered to and that workers rights are not constantly violated by the company.

    On behalf of the factory’s staff, the CDWR demands not only that the management allows unionization of employees, but also that it pays adequate compensation to the family of the deceased worker, that it provides enough safety tools, and better working conditions for all workers so as to avoid future casualties. The organisation is also petitioning the management to end “casualisation” in the company, a practice that allows the majority of staff to be underpaid, since they are considered contract staff. Furthermore, the CDWR is appealing to the Nigeria Labour Congress to get involved in ending unjust labour practices. Conversations regarding unionization are still ongoing between the company, its employees, and the CDWR, but since the CDWR’s intervention, the factory has introduced some safety and precautionary tools to the factory. The organisation is dedicated to seeing the issue of unionization resolved and is prepared to support the workers’ cause for as long as it takes to secure just labour terms.

    Photo credit: Tontodike

    Submitted by Catalina Gomez — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Catalina Gomez, Coordenadora da Rede em Rio de Janeiro

    Brasil vem avançando a partir de 1950 na expansão da proteção básica para todos seus trabalhadores. Entre os avanços mais importantes estão à aprovação de um conjunto de leis e normas para garantir um salario mínimo para todos os trabalhadores formais, além de outros benefícios, como o seguro de desemprego, beneficio de maternidade, aceso a um fundo de popança, feiras remuneradas e bolsas de transporte e alimentação.

    Reconhecendo estes avanços o principal desafio que o Brasil enfrenta atualmente é aumentar a formalização de trabalhadores que continuam na informalidade. Para colocar uma perspectiva de cidade, observemos a situação no Rio de Janeiro. Segundo a iniciativa cidadã Rio Como Vamos, em 2007 Rio tenha 2,174,568 trabalhadores formais e em 2011, só foram registrados 320 mil trabalhadores a mais, tornando-se urgente maiores esforços na formalização. Os grupos que seriam mais favorecidos com esforços específicos de formalização são os pequenos empreendedores de baixa renda e outros trabalhadores informais com pouca visibilidade tais como os domésticos e catadores de lixo.

    Outro tema prioritário que precisa melhoria é a educação dos trabalhadores. Atualmente em torno de 40 por cento dos trabalhadores só tem completado ensino médio. Como os setores de maior crescimento na cidade são aqueles de serviços e comercio, é prioritário educar e treinar os trabalhadores para este mercado. Além destes esforços também é urgente aprimorar a capacidade daqueles trabalhadores para conseguir empregos melhor pagos sendo que 52 por cento dos trabalhadores tem uma renda media mensal de 2 salários mínimos.

    Para atender estes desafios no Rio, existem varias iniciativas lideradas pelo governo local. Por exemplo, existem varias iniciativas e serviços que oferecem apoio aos trabalhadores a formalizar suas atividades. A maioria destes serviços é oferecida pelos Centros Públicos de Emprego, Trabalho, e Renda localizados em áreas estratégicas da cidade. Estes centros oferecem informação para os trabalhadores no processo de formalização e na expedição da carteira de trabalho. Adicionalmente, a Secretaria Municipal de Educação, opera os Centros de Educação para Jovens e Adultos (CEJA) para que pessoas de baixa renda possam completar os ciclos de ensino fundamental e meio, além de achar oportunidades de treinamento e de geração de renda. Para facilitar o aceso, muitos dos cursos podem ser feitos mediante aulas virtuais.

    Um desafio que ainda precisa urgente atenção é a melhora no aceso e qualidade de creches e educação infantil para os filhos dos trabalhadores, especialmente para as mulheres chefe de família. Atualmente o governo local vem fazendo melhoras, mais ainda precisa dar uma expansão significativa que beneficie mais trabalhadores.

    Crédito fotográfico: Portal Brasil

    Submitted by Catalina Gomez — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Catalina Gomez, Rio de Janeiro Community Manager

    Since the 1950s, Brazil has been taking important steps to ensure the basic protection of all its workers. The most relevant advances include the approval of a series of laws and regulations that ensure formal workers a minimum wage, and a number of benefits, including unemployment benefits, maternity leave, access to a pension fund, and paid time off, and sometimes transportation and meal subsidies.

    Given these advances in workers’ protection, Brazil’s current challenge is to increase formality among workers who remain informal, so that they too can receive the various basic protections and benefits associated with formality. To illustrate this challenge, let’s take Rio de Janeiro as an example of what happens at the city level. According to the citizen initiative Rio Como Vamos, in 2007, there were 2,174,568 formal workers in Rio de Janeiro. Five years later, there were only 320,000 more formal workers. In order to significantly increase the number of formal workers, efforts are needed to target low-income populations working as entrepreneurs and also in other less visible sectors, like domestic work and waste picking.

    Another aspect that needs to be improved is the education levels of the city’s workers, as only 40 percent of them have completed middle school education. Given that Rio’s fastest-growing sectors include services and commerce, educating and training the labor force would let them qualify for these dynamic sectors. Workers also need greater access to better paying jobs than their current ones, as about 52 percent of formal workers in Rio only earn up to twice the minimum wage.

    In order to improve workers’ conditions in Rio, there are various measures being implemented at the city level. The local government promotes a series of campaigns and assistance to low-income workers so that they can receive support in formalizing their work. This is carried out by the Centros Públicos de Emprego, Trabalho, e Renda (the Public Employment, Labor, and Intermediation Centers), which are located throughout the city. In these centers, low-income workers receive guidance on the requirements and benefits of formalizing their activities, and they can get help in issuing their worker’s identification. In addition, the city’s education secretariat operates various youth and adult education centers, where residents can continue their primary and middle school education, and be connected to additional training or practical income-generating activities. Some of these courses offered by these centers can be carried out virtually, which facilitates access.

    A key aspect that is still unresolved is ensuring better access to affordable and quality childcare, which has always been one of the biggest bottlenecks for working parents, especially women. Currently, the local government is supporting initiatives to expand such services, but greater efforts need to be taken in order to benefit even more of Rio’s workers.

    Photo credit: Portal Brasil

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    • Dhaka
    • Bangalore
    • Nairobi
    • Lagos
    • Rio (po)
    • Rio (en)

    Submitted by Editor — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Ulfat Jahan, Dhaka Community Manager

    Bangladeshi garment factories have become synonymous with deathbeds, as evidenced by the frequent accidents, fires, and building collapses in recent years. The recent building collapse in Savar caused the deaths of thousands of workers. As a consequence, foreign investors are withdrawing their investments from the garments sector, which accounts for 80 percent of the country’s export earnings. It is surprising that despite the overwhelming importance of this sector, law enforcement in this sector is depressingly weak.

    How do we explain the negligence towards safety in such a vital sector? One explanation is that 42 percent of the owners of garment factories are in fact lawmakers, and proper enforcement of the safety regulations would reduce their profits. They have little incentive to facilitate the enforcement of these laws. The major buyers, another important group of stakeholders, have taken initiatives such as producing training films and conducting private audits, but these initiatives have made only a small impact. The trainings are ineffective when confronted with real crisis situations, and the private audits have been proved to be futile since some of the factories that had passed these audits experienced major accidents soon after.

    The indifference of the lawmakers and the failure of the buyers are frustrating, but there are other actors fighting for workers’ rights. Although the Bangladeshi government has been restrictive regarding the formation of trade unions, the National Garment Workers’ Federation (NGWF), Bangladesh’s largest trade union federation, has been relentlessly working for garment workers’ rights for 29 years. Two of its main objectives are to ensure decent working conditions and fair living wages. The NGWF negotiates with the government, factory owners, and multinational corporations for stronger legislation and proper enforcement. Additionally, it provides legal advice to workers and organizes training sessions to create awareness among the workers about their rights. The NGWF drafted the Bangladesh Fire and Building Safety Agreement in 2011 with other labor organizations; it proposes the creation of a team of independent inspectors to ensure safe working environments. However, the major buyers denied the proposal since it requires massive investment. The Savar tragedy has revived the enthusiasm of NGWF’s president, Mr. Amin, who has started a petition calling on retailers such as Primark, Matalan, Mango, and Bonmarche to sign the agreement, as these companies had contracts with the factories in the collapsed building. As of May 2013, Primark and H&M had signed the agreement due to popular pressure.

    The Bangladesh Center for Workers Solidarity (BCWS) is a non-profit organization that also promotes workers’ rights in the apparel industry. In addition to building the workers’ capacity to advocate for their rights, BCWS is renowned for the documentation of labor abuses and violations of labor rights. Its leadership training program for female garment workers has successfully educated workers about their rights, and has led to the creation of female-led trade unions in a number of factories.

    These organizations’ road to success is not easy. It is difficult to attract exhausted and underpaid garment workers to union meetings. More challenging is to influence the government and the buyers, since the interests of these two groups sharply contradict with the workers’ interests. In addition, court cases and police repression against members are all too common.

    Hopefully, the Bangladesh Fire and Building Safety Agreement will be signed and will be implemented effectively, improving the factories’ working conditions. The labor organizations must work together to negotiate with the lawmakers, and should raise support from international consumers as the consumers’ collective buying power can significantly impact the retailers.

    Photo credit: Rijans

    Submitted by Carlin Carr — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Carlin Carr, Bangalore Community Manager

    The Bangladesh garment factory collapse reminded us of the humanity behind our everyday fashion. The substandard conditions are common to stitchers in Bangalore as well. Even before the tragedy in Dhaka, Bangalore played host to a people’s tribunal, “Living Wages for Garment Workers,” to hear the voices behind the brands speak on issues related to living wages and decent working conditions as a human right. It was the “first-ever attempt” to bring together workers from all major apparel hubs from across India.

    Bangalore has 500,000 garment workers — almost 90 percent of whom are women. They work for wages that would take them months to save for the fashionable items they spend long hours making. A Guardian article on the 2012 tribunal says the national textile industry is worth $53 million a year and employs 35 million people across India. “Garment exports are worth £21bn. But human rights campaigners accuse international brands of subcontracting to firms paying poverty wages to the people who make their clothes.” In addition, workers at the tribunal spoke out on abuse for not meeting impossible quotas, lack of drinking water and toilets, poor healthcare, and long working hours. Many of the women are sole breadwinners for their households and face hurdles in educating their children on such low wages.

    Trade union leaders say that Bangalore’s garment workers are being paid half of what they should be paid for supplying to major retail outlets such as Gap and Walmart. “The textile industry accounts for nearly 12 percent share of the country’s total exports,” said K.R. Jayaram of the Garment and Textile Workers’ Union (GATWU) in an article in The Hindu. “Despite the economic importance of this industry, garment workers receive less than half of what is needed to support their families.” GATWU has successfully lobbied for higher minimum wages in Karnataka, Bangalore’s home state, though these are incremental steps toward a livable wage and many workers continue to get paid below minimum standards.

    While unions such as GATWU have made headway, grassroots organizing for female garment workers faces its own challenges. Since many employers are against unionization, employees fear joining unions. Also, according to a study on Bangalore’s garment workers, female laborers have many responsibilities besides their jobs, and “the practicalities of their lives leave the women with limited energy, time or space to engage in the activities necessary to build solidarity.” The complicating factors have forced grassroots movements to take creative approaches to aligning the women for their own cause. The study cites the example of Munnade, which started off as a micro-savings scheme for women. The group grew tighter and within a couple of years emerged as a women’s movement. Today, as a union, Munnade “has given women the confidence to begin to challenge their work conditions.”

    In the aftermath of the Bangladesh disaster, female workers in Bangalore spoke out again on issues that continue to go neglected. Little progress has been made since last year’s tribunal. It took devastating circumstances in the U.S., such as the Triangle Shirtwaist Factory fire in New York in 1911 that killed 146, to improve the conditions of garment workers there. Disaster has already struck neighboring Bangladesh. Hopefully India will tighten regulations before headlines burn with yet another tragedy.

    Photo credit: Pagla Dashu

    Submitted by Katy Fentress — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Katy Fentress, Nairobi Community Manager

    Nairobi is not the city it was five years ago.

    The capital of Kenya is transforming its skyline: high-rises are mushrooming up and away from the Central Business District in a quest to find unoccupied space and expand. Accompanying this vertical climb is the ongoing construction of a network of roads and bypasses, aimed to make Nairobi a more fluid and modern city.

    Some of the key roads that are now nearing completion have been under construction for years. This has opened up an opportunity for street vendors to create informal markets and stalls from which to provide the workforce with food and refreshments.

    One such cluster of traders has been operating from an area called Riverside for half a decade. “When we first came here we agreed with the City Council that we could stay,” says Mary Wambui, who prepares large quantities of tea, maize meal, and stew over a small wood fire in a series of scorched and battered tin pots. “The agreement was verbal and they never issued us with licenses. Over the years we have been forced to move again and again. Recently the police have really stepped up the pressure: as soon as they move us from one precarious piece of land to another, the cycle of harassment starts again.”

    Frustrated by what they see as double standards on the part of their constituency officers that on the one hand charge them a set fee to operate their stalls but, on the other, disrupt their work, the vendors have organized themselves into a formal self-help group.

    The objective of the group is to petition their constituency representatives into recognizing that they are providing a much-needed service to workmen and commuters alike, and that as such they should be assigned a plot of land from which to operate.

    “We would like it if the City Council built modern kiosks for us,” says Simon Wachira, head of the association. “A few years back we were told that there was some money that had been set aside to help us relocate but that members of the previous administration took it for themselves. As a result, now we would just like to be assigned a piece of land and have a license to operate without fear of harassment; once we have that we can, as a group, find a loan with which to build the kiosks by ourselves.”

    Without any documents to prove they were given consent to trade on the road, the association is faced with an uphill struggle. Nevertheless they are determined to open up a dialogue with their councilor and to use their strength as a registered organization to negotiate a series of basic rights for themselves.

    “This morning the police came and made a swoop,” says Wambui. “We had just finished cooking, but now we have no plates on which to serve food. Instead of going to the police station ten kilometers away, we have decided to write a letter, which we will present directly to our councilor. If they want to relocate us it is fine, but now we are a group and as such they must treat us with more respect.”

    For a small group of traders like this, formalization is the first step towards ensuring legal recognition and, in time, to secure the ability to ply their trade without fear of eviction and harassment. The newly elected government has still not made it clear how it intends to deal with what is a divisive citywide issue. The fate of these and many other informal traders is yet to be sealed.

    Submitted by Wura — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Olatawura Ladipo-Ajayi, Lagos Community Manager

    Labour laws exist to protect employees from exploitation by their employers. Unfortunately, many companies and factories in Lagos do not adhere to these laws, leading to overworked, underpaid workers who perform in hostile, unhealthy, and dangerous work environments. In one recent case in Lagos, an employee lost his life while on duty in a Chinese-owned nylon manufacturing company with over 500 factory employees. This incident set off a series of worker protests against labour violations and unjust employment conduct.

    Earlier this year, the workers of the Chinese factory went on strike, demanding retribution for the family of their deceased co-worker who passed away. They protested against the lack of safety tools, and for better work conditions, fewer working hours, and increased pay. In this factory, employees work long hours and are paid below the stated minimum wage as a contract staff. The Campaign for Democratic Workers Rights (CDWR) has been instrumental in supporting the factory workers’ struggle for better employment conditions.

    The CDWR is an international campaign that aims to promote and to strengthen the workers’ movement in Nigeria by providing practical and financial solidarity. The organisation is known to take up the causes of various work groups, including the LAGBUS workers’ union formation in 2008, and the Lagos State Rural Transport Initiative’s reduction of work hours from 60 hours to 40 hours per week in 2011. The CDWR is now championing the cause of the Lagos-based Chinese factory workers. The organization sees the need for the creation of a union at the factory to help the workers advance their cause with this issue, and in the future should the need arise. With support from the CDWR, the workers have petitioned the factory for the creation of a union to help negotiate better working conditions and better pay. As the publicity secretary for CDWR has stated, this is the surest way to ensure that labour laws are adhered to and that workers rights are not constantly violated by the company.

    On behalf of the factory’s staff, the CDWR demands not only that the management allows unionization of employees, but also that it pays adequate compensation to the family of the deceased worker, that it provides enough safety tools, and better working conditions for all workers so as to avoid future casualties. The organisation is also petitioning the management to end “casualisation” in the company, a practice that allows the majority of staff to be underpaid, since they are considered contract staff. Furthermore, the CDWR is appealing to the Nigeria Labour Congress to get involved in ending unjust labour practices. Conversations regarding unionization are still ongoing between the company, its employees, and the CDWR, but since the CDWR’s intervention, the factory has introduced some safety and precautionary tools to the factory. The organisation is dedicated to seeing the issue of unionization resolved and is prepared to support the workers’ cause for as long as it takes to secure just labour terms.

    Photo credit: Tontodike

    Submitted by Catalina Gomez — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Catalina Gomez, Coordenadora da Rede em Rio de Janeiro

    Brasil vem avançando a partir de 1950 na expansão da proteção básica para todos seus trabalhadores. Entre os avanços mais importantes estão à aprovação de um conjunto de leis e normas para garantir um salario mínimo para todos os trabalhadores formais, além de outros benefícios, como o seguro de desemprego, beneficio de maternidade, aceso a um fundo de popança, feiras remuneradas e bolsas de transporte e alimentação.

    Reconhecendo estes avanços o principal desafio que o Brasil enfrenta atualmente é aumentar a formalização de trabalhadores que continuam na informalidade. Para colocar uma perspectiva de cidade, observemos a situação no Rio de Janeiro. Segundo a iniciativa cidadã Rio Como Vamos, em 2007 Rio tenha 2,174,568 trabalhadores formais e em 2011, só foram registrados 320 mil trabalhadores a mais, tornando-se urgente maiores esforços na formalização. Os grupos que seriam mais favorecidos com esforços específicos de formalização são os pequenos empreendedores de baixa renda e outros trabalhadores informais com pouca visibilidade tais como os domésticos e catadores de lixo.

    Outro tema prioritário que precisa melhoria é a educação dos trabalhadores. Atualmente em torno de 40 por cento dos trabalhadores só tem completado ensino médio. Como os setores de maior crescimento na cidade são aqueles de serviços e comercio, é prioritário educar e treinar os trabalhadores para este mercado. Além destes esforços também é urgente aprimorar a capacidade daqueles trabalhadores para conseguir empregos melhor pagos sendo que 52 por cento dos trabalhadores tem uma renda media mensal de 2 salários mínimos.

    Para atender estes desafios no Rio, existem varias iniciativas lideradas pelo governo local. Por exemplo, existem varias iniciativas e serviços que oferecem apoio aos trabalhadores a formalizar suas atividades. A maioria destes serviços é oferecida pelos Centros Públicos de Emprego, Trabalho, e Renda localizados em áreas estratégicas da cidade. Estes centros oferecem informação para os trabalhadores no processo de formalização e na expedição da carteira de trabalho. Adicionalmente, a Secretaria Municipal de Educação, opera os Centros de Educação para Jovens e Adultos (CEJA) para que pessoas de baixa renda possam completar os ciclos de ensino fundamental e meio, além de achar oportunidades de treinamento e de geração de renda. Para facilitar o aceso, muitos dos cursos podem ser feitos mediante aulas virtuais.

    Um desafio que ainda precisa urgente atenção é a melhora no aceso e qualidade de creches e educação infantil para os filhos dos trabalhadores, especialmente para as mulheres chefe de família. Atualmente o governo local vem fazendo melhoras, mais ainda precisa dar uma expansão significativa que beneficie mais trabalhadores.

    Crédito fotográfico: Portal Brasil

    Submitted by Catalina Gomez — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Catalina Gomez, Rio de Janeiro Community Manager

    Since the 1950s, Brazil has been taking important steps to ensure the basic protection of all its workers. The most relevant advances include the approval of a series of laws and regulations that ensure formal workers a minimum wage, and a number of benefits, including unemployment benefits, maternity leave, access to a pension fund, and paid time off, and sometimes transportation and meal subsidies.

    Given these advances in workers’ protection, Brazil’s current challenge is to increase formality among workers who remain informal, so that they too can receive the various basic protections and benefits associated with formality. To illustrate this challenge, let’s take Rio de Janeiro as an example of what happens at the city level. According to the citizen initiative Rio Como Vamos, in 2007, there were 2,174,568 formal workers in Rio de Janeiro. Five years later, there were only 320,000 more formal workers. In order to significantly increase the number of formal workers, efforts are needed to target low-income populations working as entrepreneurs and also in other less visible sectors, like domestic work and waste picking.

    Another aspect that needs to be improved is the education levels of the city’s workers, as only 40 percent of them have completed middle school education. Given that Rio’s fastest-growing sectors include services and commerce, educating and training the labor force would let them qualify for these dynamic sectors. Workers also need greater access to better paying jobs than their current ones, as about 52 percent of formal workers in Rio only earn up to twice the minimum wage.

    In order to improve workers’ conditions in Rio, there are various measures being implemented at the city level. The local government promotes a series of campaigns and assistance to low-income workers so that they can receive support in formalizing their work. This is carried out by the Centros Públicos de Emprego, Trabalho, e Renda (the Public Employment, Labor, and Intermediation Centers), which are located throughout the city. In these centers, low-income workers receive guidance on the requirements and benefits of formalizing their activities, and they can get help in issuing their worker’s identification. In addition, the city’s education secretariat operates various youth and adult education centers, where residents can continue their primary and middle school education, and be connected to additional training or practical income-generating activities. Some of these courses offered by these centers can be carried out virtually, which facilitates access.

    A key aspect that is still unresolved is ensuring better access to affordable and quality childcare, which has always been one of the biggest bottlenecks for working parents, especially women. Currently, the local government is supporting initiatives to expand such services, but greater efforts need to be taken in order to benefit even more of Rio’s workers.

    Photo credit: Portal Brasil

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    • Dhaka
    • Bangalore
    • Nairobi
    • Lagos
    • Rio (po)
    • Rio (en)

    Submitted by Editor — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Ulfat Jahan, Dhaka Community Manager

    Bangladeshi garment factories have become synonymous with deathbeds, as evidenced by the frequent accidents, fires, and building collapses in recent years. The recent building collapse in Savar caused the deaths of thousands of workers. As a consequence, foreign investors are withdrawing their investments from the garments sector, which accounts for 80 percent of the country’s export earnings. It is surprising that despite the overwhelming importance of this sector, law enforcement in this sector is depressingly weak.

    How do we explain the negligence towards safety in such a vital sector? One explanation is that 42 percent of the owners of garment factories are in fact lawmakers, and proper enforcement of the safety regulations would reduce their profits. They have little incentive to facilitate the enforcement of these laws. The major buyers, another important group of stakeholders, have taken initiatives such as producing training films and conducting private audits, but these initiatives have made only a small impact. The trainings are ineffective when confronted with real crisis situations, and the private audits have been proved to be futile since some of the factories that had passed these audits experienced major accidents soon after.

    The indifference of the lawmakers and the failure of the buyers are frustrating, but there are other actors fighting for workers’ rights. Although the Bangladeshi government has been restrictive regarding the formation of trade unions, the National Garment Workers’ Federation (NGWF), Bangladesh’s largest trade union federation, has been relentlessly working for garment workers’ rights for 29 years. Two of its main objectives are to ensure decent working conditions and fair living wages. The NGWF negotiates with the government, factory owners, and multinational corporations for stronger legislation and proper enforcement. Additionally, it provides legal advice to workers and organizes training sessions to create awareness among the workers about their rights. The NGWF drafted the Bangladesh Fire and Building Safety Agreement in 2011 with other labor organizations; it proposes the creation of a team of independent inspectors to ensure safe working environments. However, the major buyers denied the proposal since it requires massive investment. The Savar tragedy has revived the enthusiasm of NGWF’s president, Mr. Amin, who has started a petition calling on retailers such as Primark, Matalan, Mango, and Bonmarche to sign the agreement, as these companies had contracts with the factories in the collapsed building. As of May 2013, Primark and H&M had signed the agreement due to popular pressure.

    The Bangladesh Center for Workers Solidarity (BCWS) is a non-profit organization that also promotes workers’ rights in the apparel industry. In addition to building the workers’ capacity to advocate for their rights, BCWS is renowned for the documentation of labor abuses and violations of labor rights. Its leadership training program for female garment workers has successfully educated workers about their rights, and has led to the creation of female-led trade unions in a number of factories.

    These organizations’ road to success is not easy. It is difficult to attract exhausted and underpaid garment workers to union meetings. More challenging is to influence the government and the buyers, since the interests of these two groups sharply contradict with the workers’ interests. In addition, court cases and police repression against members are all too common.

    Hopefully, the Bangladesh Fire and Building Safety Agreement will be signed and will be implemented effectively, improving the factories’ working conditions. The labor organizations must work together to negotiate with the lawmakers, and should raise support from international consumers as the consumers’ collective buying power can significantly impact the retailers.

    Photo credit: Rijans

    Submitted by Carlin Carr — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Carlin Carr, Bangalore Community Manager

    The Bangladesh garment factory collapse reminded us of the humanity behind our everyday fashion. The substandard conditions are common to stitchers in Bangalore as well. Even before the tragedy in Dhaka, Bangalore played host to a people’s tribunal, “Living Wages for Garment Workers,” to hear the voices behind the brands speak on issues related to living wages and decent working conditions as a human right. It was the “first-ever attempt” to bring together workers from all major apparel hubs from across India.

    Bangalore has 500,000 garment workers — almost 90 percent of whom are women. They work for wages that would take them months to save for the fashionable items they spend long hours making. A Guardian article on the 2012 tribunal says the national textile industry is worth $53 million a year and employs 35 million people across India. “Garment exports are worth £21bn. But human rights campaigners accuse international brands of subcontracting to firms paying poverty wages to the people who make their clothes.” In addition, workers at the tribunal spoke out on abuse for not meeting impossible quotas, lack of drinking water and toilets, poor healthcare, and long working hours. Many of the women are sole breadwinners for their households and face hurdles in educating their children on such low wages.

    Trade union leaders say that Bangalore’s garment workers are being paid half of what they should be paid for supplying to major retail outlets such as Gap and Walmart. “The textile industry accounts for nearly 12 percent share of the country’s total exports,” said K.R. Jayaram of the Garment and Textile Workers’ Union (GATWU) in an article in The Hindu. “Despite the economic importance of this industry, garment workers receive less than half of what is needed to support their families.” GATWU has successfully lobbied for higher minimum wages in Karnataka, Bangalore’s home state, though these are incremental steps toward a livable wage and many workers continue to get paid below minimum standards.

    While unions such as GATWU have made headway, grassroots organizing for female garment workers faces its own challenges. Since many employers are against unionization, employees fear joining unions. Also, according to a study on Bangalore’s garment workers, female laborers have many responsibilities besides their jobs, and “the practicalities of their lives leave the women with limited energy, time or space to engage in the activities necessary to build solidarity.” The complicating factors have forced grassroots movements to take creative approaches to aligning the women for their own cause. The study cites the example of Munnade, which started off as a micro-savings scheme for women. The group grew tighter and within a couple of years emerged as a women’s movement. Today, as a union, Munnade “has given women the confidence to begin to challenge their work conditions.”

    In the aftermath of the Bangladesh disaster, female workers in Bangalore spoke out again on issues that continue to go neglected. Little progress has been made since last year’s tribunal. It took devastating circumstances in the U.S., such as the Triangle Shirtwaist Factory fire in New York in 1911 that killed 146, to improve the conditions of garment workers there. Disaster has already struck neighboring Bangladesh. Hopefully India will tighten regulations before headlines burn with yet another tragedy.

    Photo credit: Pagla Dashu

    Submitted by Katy Fentress — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Katy Fentress, Nairobi Community Manager

    Nairobi is not the city it was five years ago.

    The capital of Kenya is transforming its skyline: high-rises are mushrooming up and away from the Central Business District in a quest to find unoccupied space and expand. Accompanying this vertical climb is the ongoing construction of a network of roads and bypasses, aimed to make Nairobi a more fluid and modern city.

    Some of the key roads that are now nearing completion have been under construction for years. This has opened up an opportunity for street vendors to create informal markets and stalls from which to provide the workforce with food and refreshments.

    One such cluster of traders has been operating from an area called Riverside for half a decade. “When we first came here we agreed with the City Council that we could stay,” says Mary Wambui, who prepares large quantities of tea, maize meal, and stew over a small wood fire in a series of scorched and battered tin pots. “The agreement was verbal and they never issued us with licenses. Over the years we have been forced to move again and again. Recently the police have really stepped up the pressure: as soon as they move us from one precarious piece of land to another, the cycle of harassment starts again.”

    Frustrated by what they see as double standards on the part of their constituency officers that on the one hand charge them a set fee to operate their stalls but, on the other, disrupt their work, the vendors have organized themselves into a formal self-help group.

    The objective of the group is to petition their constituency representatives into recognizing that they are providing a much-needed service to workmen and commuters alike, and that as such they should be assigned a plot of land from which to operate.

    “We would like it if the City Council built modern kiosks for us,” says Simon Wachira, head of the association. “A few years back we were told that there was some money that had been set aside to help us relocate but that members of the previous administration took it for themselves. As a result, now we would just like to be assigned a piece of land and have a license to operate without fear of harassment; once we have that we can, as a group, find a loan with which to build the kiosks by ourselves.”

    Without any documents to prove they were given consent to trade on the road, the association is faced with an uphill struggle. Nevertheless they are determined to open up a dialogue with their councilor and to use their strength as a registered organization to negotiate a series of basic rights for themselves.

    “This morning the police came and made a swoop,” says Wambui. “We had just finished cooking, but now we have no plates on which to serve food. Instead of going to the police station ten kilometers away, we have decided to write a letter, which we will present directly to our councilor. If they want to relocate us it is fine, but now we are a group and as such they must treat us with more respect.”

    For a small group of traders like this, formalization is the first step towards ensuring legal recognition and, in time, to secure the ability to ply their trade without fear of eviction and harassment. The newly elected government has still not made it clear how it intends to deal with what is a divisive citywide issue. The fate of these and many other informal traders is yet to be sealed.

    Submitted by Wura — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Olatawura Ladipo-Ajayi, Lagos Community Manager

    Labour laws exist to protect employees from exploitation by their employers. Unfortunately, many companies and factories in Lagos do not adhere to these laws, leading to overworked, underpaid workers who perform in hostile, unhealthy, and dangerous work environments. In one recent case in Lagos, an employee lost his life while on duty in a Chinese-owned nylon manufacturing company with over 500 factory employees. This incident set off a series of worker protests against labour violations and unjust employment conduct.

    Earlier this year, the workers of the Chinese factory went on strike, demanding retribution for the family of their deceased co-worker who passed away. They protested against the lack of safety tools, and for better work conditions, fewer working hours, and increased pay. In this factory, employees work long hours and are paid below the stated minimum wage as a contract staff. The Campaign for Democratic Workers Rights (CDWR) has been instrumental in supporting the factory workers’ struggle for better employment conditions.

    The CDWR is an international campaign that aims to promote and to strengthen the workers’ movement in Nigeria by providing practical and financial solidarity. The organisation is known to take up the causes of various work groups, including the LAGBUS workers’ union formation in 2008, and the Lagos State Rural Transport Initiative’s reduction of work hours from 60 hours to 40 hours per week in 2011. The CDWR is now championing the cause of the Lagos-based Chinese factory workers. The organization sees the need for the creation of a union at the factory to help the workers advance their cause with this issue, and in the future should the need arise. With support from the CDWR, the workers have petitioned the factory for the creation of a union to help negotiate better working conditions and better pay. As the publicity secretary for CDWR has stated, this is the surest way to ensure that labour laws are adhered to and that workers rights are not constantly violated by the company.

    On behalf of the factory’s staff, the CDWR demands not only that the management allows unionization of employees, but also that it pays adequate compensation to the family of the deceased worker, that it provides enough safety tools, and better working conditions for all workers so as to avoid future casualties. The organisation is also petitioning the management to end “casualisation” in the company, a practice that allows the majority of staff to be underpaid, since they are considered contract staff. Furthermore, the CDWR is appealing to the Nigeria Labour Congress to get involved in ending unjust labour practices. Conversations regarding unionization are still ongoing between the company, its employees, and the CDWR, but since the CDWR’s intervention, the factory has introduced some safety and precautionary tools to the factory. The organisation is dedicated to seeing the issue of unionization resolved and is prepared to support the workers’ cause for as long as it takes to secure just labour terms.

    Photo credit: Tontodike

    Submitted by Catalina Gomez — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Catalina Gomez, Coordenadora da Rede em Rio de Janeiro

    Brasil vem avançando a partir de 1950 na expansão da proteção básica para todos seus trabalhadores. Entre os avanços mais importantes estão à aprovação de um conjunto de leis e normas para garantir um salario mínimo para todos os trabalhadores formais, além de outros benefícios, como o seguro de desemprego, beneficio de maternidade, aceso a um fundo de popança, feiras remuneradas e bolsas de transporte e alimentação.

    Reconhecendo estes avanços o principal desafio que o Brasil enfrenta atualmente é aumentar a formalização de trabalhadores que continuam na informalidade. Para colocar uma perspectiva de cidade, observemos a situação no Rio de Janeiro. Segundo a iniciativa cidadã Rio Como Vamos, em 2007 Rio tenha 2,174,568 trabalhadores formais e em 2011, só foram registrados 320 mil trabalhadores a mais, tornando-se urgente maiores esforços na formalização. Os grupos que seriam mais favorecidos com esforços específicos de formalização são os pequenos empreendedores de baixa renda e outros trabalhadores informais com pouca visibilidade tais como os domésticos e catadores de lixo.

    Outro tema prioritário que precisa melhoria é a educação dos trabalhadores. Atualmente em torno de 40 por cento dos trabalhadores só tem completado ensino médio. Como os setores de maior crescimento na cidade são aqueles de serviços e comercio, é prioritário educar e treinar os trabalhadores para este mercado. Além destes esforços também é urgente aprimorar a capacidade daqueles trabalhadores para conseguir empregos melhor pagos sendo que 52 por cento dos trabalhadores tem uma renda media mensal de 2 salários mínimos.

    Para atender estes desafios no Rio, existem varias iniciativas lideradas pelo governo local. Por exemplo, existem varias iniciativas e serviços que oferecem apoio aos trabalhadores a formalizar suas atividades. A maioria destes serviços é oferecida pelos Centros Públicos de Emprego, Trabalho, e Renda localizados em áreas estratégicas da cidade. Estes centros oferecem informação para os trabalhadores no processo de formalização e na expedição da carteira de trabalho. Adicionalmente, a Secretaria Municipal de Educação, opera os Centros de Educação para Jovens e Adultos (CEJA) para que pessoas de baixa renda possam completar os ciclos de ensino fundamental e meio, além de achar oportunidades de treinamento e de geração de renda. Para facilitar o aceso, muitos dos cursos podem ser feitos mediante aulas virtuais.

    Um desafio que ainda precisa urgente atenção é a melhora no aceso e qualidade de creches e educação infantil para os filhos dos trabalhadores, especialmente para as mulheres chefe de família. Atualmente o governo local vem fazendo melhoras, mais ainda precisa dar uma expansão significativa que beneficie mais trabalhadores.

    Crédito fotográfico: Portal Brasil

    Submitted by Catalina Gomez — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Catalina Gomez, Rio de Janeiro Community Manager

    Since the 1950s, Brazil has been taking important steps to ensure the basic protection of all its workers. The most relevant advances include the approval of a series of laws and regulations that ensure formal workers a minimum wage, and a number of benefits, including unemployment benefits, maternity leave, access to a pension fund, and paid time off, and sometimes transportation and meal subsidies.

    Given these advances in workers’ protection, Brazil’s current challenge is to increase formality among workers who remain informal, so that they too can receive the various basic protections and benefits associated with formality. To illustrate this challenge, let’s take Rio de Janeiro as an example of what happens at the city level. According to the citizen initiative Rio Como Vamos, in 2007, there were 2,174,568 formal workers in Rio de Janeiro. Five years later, there were only 320,000 more formal workers. In order to significantly increase the number of formal workers, efforts are needed to target low-income populations working as entrepreneurs and also in other less visible sectors, like domestic work and waste picking.

    Another aspect that needs to be improved is the education levels of the city’s workers, as only 40 percent of them have completed middle school education. Given that Rio’s fastest-growing sectors include services and commerce, educating and training the labor force would let them qualify for these dynamic sectors. Workers also need greater access to better paying jobs than their current ones, as about 52 percent of formal workers in Rio only earn up to twice the minimum wage.

    In order to improve workers’ conditions in Rio, there are various measures being implemented at the city level. The local government promotes a series of campaigns and assistance to low-income workers so that they can receive support in formalizing their work. This is carried out by the Centros Públicos de Emprego, Trabalho, e Renda (the Public Employment, Labor, and Intermediation Centers), which are located throughout the city. In these centers, low-income workers receive guidance on the requirements and benefits of formalizing their activities, and they can get help in issuing their worker’s identification. In addition, the city’s education secretariat operates various youth and adult education centers, where residents can continue their primary and middle school education, and be connected to additional training or practical income-generating activities. Some of these courses offered by these centers can be carried out virtually, which facilitates access.

    A key aspect that is still unresolved is ensuring better access to affordable and quality childcare, which has always been one of the biggest bottlenecks for working parents, especially women. Currently, the local government is supporting initiatives to expand such services, but greater efforts need to be taken in order to benefit even more of Rio’s workers.

    Photo credit: Portal Brasil

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    • Dhaka
    • Bangalore
    • Nairobi
    • Lagos
    • Rio (po)
    • Rio (en)

    Submitted by Editor — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Ulfat Jahan, Dhaka Community Manager

    Bangladeshi garment factories have become synonymous with deathbeds, as evidenced by the frequent accidents, fires, and building collapses in recent years. The recent building collapse in Savar caused the deaths of thousands of workers. As a consequence, foreign investors are withdrawing their investments from the garments sector, which accounts for 80 percent of the country’s export earnings. It is surprising that despite the overwhelming importance of this sector, law enforcement in this sector is depressingly weak.

    How do we explain the negligence towards safety in such a vital sector? One explanation is that 42 percent of the owners of garment factories are in fact lawmakers, and proper enforcement of the safety regulations would reduce their profits. They have little incentive to facilitate the enforcement of these laws. The major buyers, another important group of stakeholders, have taken initiatives such as producing training films and conducting private audits, but these initiatives have made only a small impact. The trainings are ineffective when confronted with real crisis situations, and the private audits have been proved to be futile since some of the factories that had passed these audits experienced major accidents soon after.

    The indifference of the lawmakers and the failure of the buyers are frustrating, but there are other actors fighting for workers’ rights. Although the Bangladeshi government has been restrictive regarding the formation of trade unions, the National Garment Workers’ Federation (NGWF), Bangladesh’s largest trade union federation, has been relentlessly working for garment workers’ rights for 29 years. Two of its main objectives are to ensure decent working conditions and fair living wages. The NGWF negotiates with the government, factory owners, and multinational corporations for stronger legislation and proper enforcement. Additionally, it provides legal advice to workers and organizes training sessions to create awareness among the workers about their rights. The NGWF drafted the Bangladesh Fire and Building Safety Agreement in 2011 with other labor organizations; it proposes the creation of a team of independent inspectors to ensure safe working environments. However, the major buyers denied the proposal since it requires massive investment. The Savar tragedy has revived the enthusiasm of NGWF’s president, Mr. Amin, who has started a petition calling on retailers such as Primark, Matalan, Mango, and Bonmarche to sign the agreement, as these companies had contracts with the factories in the collapsed building. As of May 2013, Primark and H&M had signed the agreement due to popular pressure.

    The Bangladesh Center for Workers Solidarity (BCWS) is a non-profit organization that also promotes workers’ rights in the apparel industry. In addition to building the workers’ capacity to advocate for their rights, BCWS is renowned for the documentation of labor abuses and violations of labor rights. Its leadership training program for female garment workers has successfully educated workers about their rights, and has led to the creation of female-led trade unions in a number of factories.

    These organizations’ road to success is not easy. It is difficult to attract exhausted and underpaid garment workers to union meetings. More challenging is to influence the government and the buyers, since the interests of these two groups sharply contradict with the workers’ interests. In addition, court cases and police repression against members are all too common.

    Hopefully, the Bangladesh Fire and Building Safety Agreement will be signed and will be implemented effectively, improving the factories’ working conditions. The labor organizations must work together to negotiate with the lawmakers, and should raise support from international consumers as the consumers’ collective buying power can significantly impact the retailers.

    Photo credit: Rijans

    Submitted by Carlin Carr — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Carlin Carr, Bangalore Community Manager

    The Bangladesh garment factory collapse reminded us of the humanity behind our everyday fashion. The substandard conditions are common to stitchers in Bangalore as well. Even before the tragedy in Dhaka, Bangalore played host to a people’s tribunal, “Living Wages for Garment Workers,” to hear the voices behind the brands speak on issues related to living wages and decent working conditions as a human right. It was the “first-ever attempt” to bring together workers from all major apparel hubs from across India.

    Bangalore has 500,000 garment workers — almost 90 percent of whom are women. They work for wages that would take them months to save for the fashionable items they spend long hours making. A Guardian article on the 2012 tribunal says the national textile industry is worth $53 million a year and employs 35 million people across India. “Garment exports are worth £21bn. But human rights campaigners accuse international brands of subcontracting to firms paying poverty wages to the people who make their clothes.” In addition, workers at the tribunal spoke out on abuse for not meeting impossible quotas, lack of drinking water and toilets, poor healthcare, and long working hours. Many of the women are sole breadwinners for their households and face hurdles in educating their children on such low wages.

    Trade union leaders say that Bangalore’s garment workers are being paid half of what they should be paid for supplying to major retail outlets such as Gap and Walmart. “The textile industry accounts for nearly 12 percent share of the country’s total exports,” said K.R. Jayaram of the Garment and Textile Workers’ Union (GATWU) in an article in The Hindu. “Despite the economic importance of this industry, garment workers receive less than half of what is needed to support their families.” GATWU has successfully lobbied for higher minimum wages in Karnataka, Bangalore’s home state, though these are incremental steps toward a livable wage and many workers continue to get paid below minimum standards.

    While unions such as GATWU have made headway, grassroots organizing for female garment workers faces its own challenges. Since many employers are against unionization, employees fear joining unions. Also, according to a study on Bangalore’s garment workers, female laborers have many responsibilities besides their jobs, and “the practicalities of their lives leave the women with limited energy, time or space to engage in the activities necessary to build solidarity.” The complicating factors have forced grassroots movements to take creative approaches to aligning the women for their own cause. The study cites the example of Munnade, which started off as a micro-savings scheme for women. The group grew tighter and within a couple of years emerged as a women’s movement. Today, as a union, Munnade “has given women the confidence to begin to challenge their work conditions.”

    In the aftermath of the Bangladesh disaster, female workers in Bangalore spoke out again on issues that continue to go neglected. Little progress has been made since last year’s tribunal. It took devastating circumstances in the U.S., such as the Triangle Shirtwaist Factory fire in New York in 1911 that killed 146, to improve the conditions of garment workers there. Disaster has already struck neighboring Bangladesh. Hopefully India will tighten regulations before headlines burn with yet another tragedy.

    Photo credit: Pagla Dashu

    Submitted by Katy Fentress — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Katy Fentress, Nairobi Community Manager

    Nairobi is not the city it was five years ago.

    The capital of Kenya is transforming its skyline: high-rises are mushrooming up and away from the Central Business District in a quest to find unoccupied space and expand. Accompanying this vertical climb is the ongoing construction of a network of roads and bypasses, aimed to make Nairobi a more fluid and modern city.

    Some of the key roads that are now nearing completion have been under construction for years. This has opened up an opportunity for street vendors to create informal markets and stalls from which to provide the workforce with food and refreshments.

    One such cluster of traders has been operating from an area called Riverside for half a decade. “When we first came here we agreed with the City Council that we could stay,” says Mary Wambui, who prepares large quantities of tea, maize meal, and stew over a small wood fire in a series of scorched and battered tin pots. “The agreement was verbal and they never issued us with licenses. Over the years we have been forced to move again and again. Recently the police have really stepped up the pressure: as soon as they move us from one precarious piece of land to another, the cycle of harassment starts again.”

    Frustrated by what they see as double standards on the part of their constituency officers that on the one hand charge them a set fee to operate their stalls but, on the other, disrupt their work, the vendors have organized themselves into a formal self-help group.

    The objective of the group is to petition their constituency representatives into recognizing that they are providing a much-needed service to workmen and commuters alike, and that as such they should be assigned a plot of land from which to operate.

    “We would like it if the City Council built modern kiosks for us,” says Simon Wachira, head of the association. “A few years back we were told that there was some money that had been set aside to help us relocate but that members of the previous administration took it for themselves. As a result, now we would just like to be assigned a piece of land and have a license to operate without fear of harassment; once we have that we can, as a group, find a loan with which to build the kiosks by ourselves.”

    Without any documents to prove they were given consent to trade on the road, the association is faced with an uphill struggle. Nevertheless they are determined to open up a dialogue with their councilor and to use their strength as a registered organization to negotiate a series of basic rights for themselves.

    “This morning the police came and made a swoop,” says Wambui. “We had just finished cooking, but now we have no plates on which to serve food. Instead of going to the police station ten kilometers away, we have decided to write a letter, which we will present directly to our councilor. If they want to relocate us it is fine, but now we are a group and as such they must treat us with more respect.”

    For a small group of traders like this, formalization is the first step towards ensuring legal recognition and, in time, to secure the ability to ply their trade without fear of eviction and harassment. The newly elected government has still not made it clear how it intends to deal with what is a divisive citywide issue. The fate of these and many other informal traders is yet to be sealed.

    Submitted by Wura — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Olatawura Ladipo-Ajayi, Lagos Community Manager

    Labour laws exist to protect employees from exploitation by their employers. Unfortunately, many companies and factories in Lagos do not adhere to these laws, leading to overworked, underpaid workers who perform in hostile, unhealthy, and dangerous work environments. In one recent case in Lagos, an employee lost his life while on duty in a Chinese-owned nylon manufacturing company with over 500 factory employees. This incident set off a series of worker protests against labour violations and unjust employment conduct.

    Earlier this year, the workers of the Chinese factory went on strike, demanding retribution for the family of their deceased co-worker who passed away. They protested against the lack of safety tools, and for better work conditions, fewer working hours, and increased pay. In this factory, employees work long hours and are paid below the stated minimum wage as a contract staff. The Campaign for Democratic Workers Rights (CDWR) has been instrumental in supporting the factory workers’ struggle for better employment conditions.

    The CDWR is an international campaign that aims to promote and to strengthen the workers’ movement in Nigeria by providing practical and financial solidarity. The organisation is known to take up the causes of various work groups, including the LAGBUS workers’ union formation in 2008, and the Lagos State Rural Transport Initiative’s reduction of work hours from 60 hours to 40 hours per week in 2011. The CDWR is now championing the cause of the Lagos-based Chinese factory workers. The organization sees the need for the creation of a union at the factory to help the workers advance their cause with this issue, and in the future should the need arise. With support from the CDWR, the workers have petitioned the factory for the creation of a union to help negotiate better working conditions and better pay. As the publicity secretary for CDWR has stated, this is the surest way to ensure that labour laws are adhered to and that workers rights are not constantly violated by the company.

    On behalf of the factory’s staff, the CDWR demands not only that the management allows unionization of employees, but also that it pays adequate compensation to the family of the deceased worker, that it provides enough safety tools, and better working conditions for all workers so as to avoid future casualties. The organisation is also petitioning the management to end “casualisation” in the company, a practice that allows the majority of staff to be underpaid, since they are considered contract staff. Furthermore, the CDWR is appealing to the Nigeria Labour Congress to get involved in ending unjust labour practices. Conversations regarding unionization are still ongoing between the company, its employees, and the CDWR, but since the CDWR’s intervention, the factory has introduced some safety and precautionary tools to the factory. The organisation is dedicated to seeing the issue of unionization resolved and is prepared to support the workers’ cause for as long as it takes to secure just labour terms.

    Photo credit: Tontodike

    Submitted by Catalina Gomez — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Catalina Gomez, Coordenadora da Rede em Rio de Janeiro

    Brasil vem avançando a partir de 1950 na expansão da proteção básica para todos seus trabalhadores. Entre os avanços mais importantes estão à aprovação de um conjunto de leis e normas para garantir um salario mínimo para todos os trabalhadores formais, além de outros benefícios, como o seguro de desemprego, beneficio de maternidade, aceso a um fundo de popança, feiras remuneradas e bolsas de transporte e alimentação.

    Reconhecendo estes avanços o principal desafio que o Brasil enfrenta atualmente é aumentar a formalização de trabalhadores que continuam na informalidade. Para colocar uma perspectiva de cidade, observemos a situação no Rio de Janeiro. Segundo a iniciativa cidadã Rio Como Vamos, em 2007 Rio tenha 2,174,568 trabalhadores formais e em 2011, só foram registrados 320 mil trabalhadores a mais, tornando-se urgente maiores esforços na formalização. Os grupos que seriam mais favorecidos com esforços específicos de formalização são os pequenos empreendedores de baixa renda e outros trabalhadores informais com pouca visibilidade tais como os domésticos e catadores de lixo.

    Outro tema prioritário que precisa melhoria é a educação dos trabalhadores. Atualmente em torno de 40 por cento dos trabalhadores só tem completado ensino médio. Como os setores de maior crescimento na cidade são aqueles de serviços e comercio, é prioritário educar e treinar os trabalhadores para este mercado. Além destes esforços também é urgente aprimorar a capacidade daqueles trabalhadores para conseguir empregos melhor pagos sendo que 52 por cento dos trabalhadores tem uma renda media mensal de 2 salários mínimos.

    Para atender estes desafios no Rio, existem varias iniciativas lideradas pelo governo local. Por exemplo, existem varias iniciativas e serviços que oferecem apoio aos trabalhadores a formalizar suas atividades. A maioria destes serviços é oferecida pelos Centros Públicos de Emprego, Trabalho, e Renda localizados em áreas estratégicas da cidade. Estes centros oferecem informação para os trabalhadores no processo de formalização e na expedição da carteira de trabalho. Adicionalmente, a Secretaria Municipal de Educação, opera os Centros de Educação para Jovens e Adultos (CEJA) para que pessoas de baixa renda possam completar os ciclos de ensino fundamental e meio, além de achar oportunidades de treinamento e de geração de renda. Para facilitar o aceso, muitos dos cursos podem ser feitos mediante aulas virtuais.

    Um desafio que ainda precisa urgente atenção é a melhora no aceso e qualidade de creches e educação infantil para os filhos dos trabalhadores, especialmente para as mulheres chefe de família. Atualmente o governo local vem fazendo melhoras, mais ainda precisa dar uma expansão significativa que beneficie mais trabalhadores.

    Crédito fotográfico: Portal Brasil

    Submitted by Catalina Gomez — Mon, 07/15/2013 – 00:00

    Catalina Gomez, Rio de Janeiro Community Manager

    Since the 1950s, Brazil has been taking important steps to ensure the basic protection of all its workers. The most relevant advances include the approval of a series of laws and regulations that ensure formal workers a minimum wage, and a number of benefits, including unemployment benefits, maternity leave, access to a pension fund, and paid time off, and sometimes transportation and meal subsidies.

    Given these advances in workers’ protection, Brazil’s current challenge is to increase formality among workers who remain informal, so that they too can receive the various basic protections and benefits associated with formality. To illustrate this challenge, let’s take Rio de Janeiro as an example of what happens at the city level. According to the citizen initiative Rio Como Vamos, in 2007, there were 2,174,568 formal workers in Rio de Janeiro. Five years later, there were only 320,000 more formal workers. In order to significantly increase the number of formal workers, efforts are needed to target low-income populations working as entrepreneurs and also in other less visible sectors, like domestic work and waste picking.

    Another aspect that needs to be improved is the education levels of the city’s workers, as only 40 percent of them have completed middle school education. Given that Rio’s fastest-growing sectors include services and commerce, educating and training the labor force would let them qualify for these dynamic sectors. Workers also need greater access to better paying jobs than their current ones, as about 52 percent of formal workers in Rio only earn up to twice the minimum wage.

    In order to improve workers’ conditions in Rio, there are various measures being implemented at the city level. The local government promotes a series of campaigns and assistance to low-income workers so that they can receive support in formalizing their work. This is carried out by the Centros Públicos de Emprego, Trabalho, e Renda (the Public Employment, Labor, and Intermediation Centers), which are located throughout the city. In these centers, low-income workers receive guidance on the requirements and benefits of formalizing their activities, and they can get help in issuing their worker’s identification. In addition, the city’s education secretariat operates various youth and adult education centers, where residents can continue their primary and middle school education, and be connected to additional training or practical income-generating activities. Some of these courses offered by these centers can be carried out virtually, which facilitates access.

    A key aspect that is still unresolved is ensuring better access to affordable and quality childcare, which has always been one of the biggest bottlenecks for working parents, especially women. Currently, the local government is supporting initiatives to expand such services, but greater efforts need to be taken in order to benefit even more of Rio’s workers.

    Photo credit: Portal Brasil