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  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    Katy Fentress, Nairobi Community Manager

    For many people in Nairobi’s Mathare slum, food insecurity is a simple fact of life. Even the slightest hike in prices can prove sufficient to exclude them from their daily meal. A large proportion of the inhabitants of Mathare, as well as those living in Nairobi’s other informal settlements, can be considered to be living in a perpetual state of emergency. Humanitarian policy makers are actively seeking to address this problem, but with mixed results. Meanwhile, however, Mathare residents are learning to supplement insecure food sources with an urban agricultural alternative dubbed “Farm in a Sack.”

    The inability to always guarantee food on the table, whether because of market fluctuations or unemployment, has for decades pushed Mathare residents to make do with tiny patches of land on which to grow a few heads of sukuma wiki (kale — literally, “push weekly”: it pushes you through the week). Over time, however, with the amount of farmable land decreasing along with the quality of the soil, sustaining this practice has become a major challenge.

    In light of that challenge, urban agriculture (UA) has recently become a priority in both emergency and development policy planning, according to Robert Biel and Yves Cabannes, affiliates of the Development Planning Unit (DPU) at University College London. In an article on UA co-authored by Biel and Cabannes, they say urban farming has not only helped to see impoverished urban families through difficult times, but also helped keep communities together by encouraging them to “guarantee their own social and economic reproduction in a low-cost way or outside of the monetary economy” (2009, DPUnews, issue 51).

    One of the more popular solutions to creating sustainable urban agriculture in impoverished neighbourhoods has been the concept of “Farm in a Sack” agriculture. This concept involves taking a burlap (or similar) sack, filling it with a core of rocks surrounded by soil, and growing crops out of little holes in the side. This “vertical” method increases dramatically the amount of produce that can be grown: instead of 15 plants of sukuma wiki per square metre, the “Farm in a Sack” method can enable families to grow up to 60.

    Farm in a Sack, which has been introduced to Mathare over the years by various NGOs, has produced differing results depending on the methodology used. The most successful project so far appears to be the most recent, a project completed in 2010 by the Italian NGO COOPI.

    Claudio Torres, an architect who works with COOPI in Mathare, tells us that “different organisations have tried this technique and failed.” According to Torres, the problem stems from unrealistic expectations: the “projects didn’t work out because they just gave people sacks and seedlings and expected them to go and get the earth themselves.”

    “The shacks that people live in were simply too small for this to work,” adds Torres, who spearheaded COOPI’s Mathare urban agriculture initiative. “Also, the soil that was used was depleted Mathare soil,” which was not rich enough to make the plants grow abundantly.

    Taking a more hands-on approach, COOPI took great pains to provide all the necessary materials to get the project underway, including a rich soil sourced in a nearby forest. The full sacks came to about $10 each, a cost that was covered by the NGO and its donors. The sacks were placed together in plots of land that were protected by a fence and irrigated by a water tank. This communal aspect of the initiative was, in Torres’ view, one of the major factors that guaranteed its success.

    The project officially ended after six months, but has been continuing informally ever since. A quick trip down to an assigned plot by the Mathare River reveals how many of the bags that COOPI provided are still there, proof that people continued using the method even after the logistical support had ended.

    According to Torres, sack farms could eventually provide a sustainable solution for the community. He feels, however, that there is still much room for improvement, emphasizing that in order for this method to be sustainable, there are several steps that must be taken. These would include creating a local nursery for seedlings and installing a water treatment plant, so users can access the Mathare River and benefit from year-round irrigation. It would also be necessary to create a compost system using manure and other organic waste collected from around the area, Torres adds.

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    By Howaida Kamel, Cairo Community Manager

    The protests against President Mohamed Morsi started on June 30th: Egyptians all over the country took to the streets to mark the one-year anniversary of the Muslim Brotherhood in power. The Tamarud “rebellion” campaign has been working for the past three months to collect signatures for their petition calling for the President’s immediate resignation; the group recently announced that it had collected 22,134,465 signatures. Media estimates claim that up to 33 million people stood in squares all over the country, in what BBC has titled the largest number of people to partake in a political protest ever.

    In Tahrir, people have become familiar with how protests happen. Two years after the 2011 revolution and numerous protests later, there is a general feeling that this is going to be a fight, and June 30 is just day one. The stands for food, tea, water, soda, and chips were already in place all around the square and business was good. The festivities, dancing, and chanting, were located more on the side streets and entrances to Tahrir rather than in the square itself. What makes these protests different from those of two years ago, however, is that the people have decided from the start that they will settle for nothing except Morsi’s resignation and the removal of the Muslim Brotherhood from power. The strength of the Egyptian people is as evident as ever as young, old, poor, rich, men and women stand together in the square.

    For many people in the upper social classes, Sunday was their first time protesting. Protests had often included a group of the well-educated members of civil society, but this time there was a larger number of them congregated at the entrance of Tahrir, next to the Arab League headquarters.

    Another interesting point about Sunday’s protests was that there was a huge support for the police and the army. On the way to Tahrir from Zamalek, before crossing the Kasr el Nile bridge, policemen had climbed on top of their police trucks and were singing and dancing, and protestors had even given them flags to wave while chanting “El shorta wel sha3b f 2ed wahda” (the police and the people are in one hand). This same chant was repeated in the square for the army: helicopters continued to circle over Tahrir every ten minutes and occasionally drop flags over the crowd. At night, everyone with a laser pointer would point it up and the helicopter was lit by little green dots that would follow it on its path over the square. In those moments, everyone in Tahrir would stop what they were doing, look up, and cheer. It is hard to describe such a feeling of solidarity.

    Notes from Tahrir: June 30th
    Notes from Tahrir: July 1st
    Notes from Tahrir: July 2nd
    Notes from Tahrir: July 3rd
    Notes from Tahrir: July 4th

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    By Howaida Kamel, Cairo Community Manager

    In the early afternoon, the army released the aerial footage that they captured above Itahadeya and Tahrir on June 30. This was a political move used to show the huge amount of people that had came out against Morsi, and to show that the army is dedicated to following the will of the people.

    At the halfway mark of the 48-hour ultimatum, I headed to Tahrir once again. Driving from Maadi towards Tahrir on the Corniche, we bumped into two different pro-Morsi groups of protestors, all holding pictures of the president shouting “shar3eya” (legitimacy). They were heading towards Cairo University, where a larger group of Muslim Brotherhood supporters decided to congregate.

    We parked in Zamalek again to walk across Kasr el Nile into Tahrir. Again, there were police and army trucks parked nearby, and those on duty were smiling and interacting with people on the streets. Volunteers in neon vests organized the traffic on the bridge, and a wall of motorcycles blocked cars from passing. The volunteers stood on top of their motorcycles to direct people crossing the bridge to leave the other for car traffic.

    Once we got to the bridge, we joined a huge group of people led by six men who used drums and horns to lead the crowd through a series of different chants. The men took turns carrying each other on their shoulders and leading the crowd through different forms of irhal ya morsi (see below). This group was made up of people from all social classes, and a significant percentage were women. The cheers also addressed the issue of gender equality, showing that many of those in Tahrir recognize the value of Egyptian women in society, and that the revolution is a fight for everyone’s social rights.

    In Tahrir, protesters had created seating areas near the entrance using plastic chairs, which protesters could rent for 5 EGP. There was a much more celebratory and festive vibe in the square compared to Sunday. At sunset, protesters set off fireworks above the square, and everyone was waving the Egyptian flag. Everyone had hope that the end of the Muslim Brotherhood had come.

    President Morsi delivered a speech to the nation at around 11:30pm, making it clear that he has no intent of stepping down at the end of the 48-hour ultimatum. He continued to blame members of the Mubarak regime for the new protests, claiming that he has legitimacy because of the political process and that he was elected by the will of the people. Morsi argued that these protests are not part of the revolution, and are in fact against the wishes of the true revolutionaries of 2011. His speech left the country wondering what will happen tomorrow and what the army’s reaction will be.

    Below are some of the many chants heard in Tahrir in the past few days. I hope that these images and words will help give insight into the emotions, excitement, and apprehension we are feeling in Cairo and all of Egypt.

    The rule of the Murshid will fall

    Oh the embarrassment, the Ikhwan are pretending to be revolutionaries

    As long as Egyptian blood is cheap, any president will fall

    Pamper them, pamper them, the Muslim brotherhood were pulled out

    They said the woman’s voice was her genitals, the voice of women is the revolution

    Leave means go, do you understand or no

    Every Morsi Mubarak will fall

    I’m not atheist, I’m not a sinner, the rule of the Murshed will fall

    Morsi you pansy, come on, leave, fuck off

    Tahrir says the brotherhood is the old regime

    Leave Morsi, feel sorry for the chair

    Notes from Tahrir: June 30th
    Notes from Tahrir: July 1st Notes from Tahrir: July 2nd

    Notes from Tahrir: July 3rd

    Notes from Tahrir: July 4th

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    • Mumbai
    • Jakarta
    • Nairobi
    • São Paulo
    • en
    • Cali
    • en

    Submitted by Carlin Carr — Mon, 09/16/2013 – 00:00

    Carlin Carr, Mumbai Community Manager

    Many rural traditions and customs carry over into urban life for India’s migrant communities. Local festivals, artisanal expertise, and languages turn Mumbai’s slums into vibrantly diverse amalgamations of India’s villages. The city also offers greater freedom from the strict caste structures of rural areas, and the role and freedoms of women in Mumbai’s slums often change as well. In fact, the autonomy that women gain as they move from rural to urban India provides insights into their healthcare choices, especially when it comes to reproductive care.

    Urban Indian women, like all Mumbaikers, are flooded with images — on television, radio, and billboards — that flash ideas for new ways of being, acting, and doing. These influencers open up ideas and avenues not necessarily discussed or advertised in villages. Urban women, even in slums, have access to doctors and clinics and information about their health that they otherwise may not have been exposed to outside of the city. Despite this, many pregnant women in slums still opt for home deliveries rather than deliveries conducted by skilled attendants. Initiatives working on maternal and neonatal care have been tracing the roots of why some women take advantage of better services while others continue to take the risk of giving birth at home with almost no follow-up care for the infant.

    Research has found that a number of factors contribute to maternal care choices, but one important one is how “urbanized” the woman may be. A report, “Village in the City: Autonomy and Maternal Health-seeking among Slum Populations of Mumbai,” says that women whose previous residence was in a village had less autonomy in their new city environment, and therefore were less likely to avail themselves of skilled professional clinics or hospitals for giving birth. While many young women in the report felt they had more autonomy — a major indicator of what care a woman will choose — than their rural counterparts, the new mothers, especially Muslim women, had not gained enough autonomy in their urban household structure to push for better health services for her delivery.

    Surprisingly, the study found that autonomy was not necessary linked with education nor with work. In fact, fewer women in India’s slums work than in rural India. Rather, exposure to mass media, particularly television, was an important factor in seeking out antenatal and child birth care. In addition, the family structure was also an indicator. For example, when the husband was the head of household, women had more autonomy and influence, but when he was not (for example, an in-law may be), young mothers had less autonomy and were less likely to give birth outside the home.

    As women migrate to urban India, village customs follow. As more interventions work to improve maternal and neonatal care in urban India, it is important to recognize that as a woman’s sense of autonomy grows with her urban life, so too does her ability to make better decisions for herself and family. Without women fighting for their own health care, few families will opt for the expense of maternal care clinics if the rural practice of giving birth at home has been so ingrained in their family life.

    Photo credit: DFID – UK Department for International Development

    Submitted by widya anggraini — Mon, 09/16/2013 – 00:00

    Widya Anggraini, Jakarta Community Manager

    Immigrants come to Jakarta from rural areas for largely economic reasons, usually following their friends or family members who have already settled in the capital. The case of immigrants from Tegal, in Central Java, is particularly interesting because of the support networks that welcome them in Jakarta. This group of immigrants is known for running food stalls on the streets of Jakarta. The established migrants help newcomers by lending them money to open a food stall, and by teaching them how to run and how to grow their business. While the support remains informal, this community has proved crucial for the numerous migrants that arrive from Tegal each year.

    Migrasi masyarakat pedesaan ke daerah perkotaan merupakan fenomena umum. Dengan alasan keterdesakan ekonomi mereka hijrah ke kota demi perbaikan kesejahteraan keluarga. Umumnya mereka datang karena telah memiliki saudara atau teman yang sudah lebih dahulu tinggal di kota. Kerap para pendatang mengalami kebingungan karena harus menyesuaikan diri di wilayah baru perkotaan. Keruwetan kota dan sistem nilai yang berbeda membuat mereka tidak nyaman dengan kehidupan kota. Di tempat yang baru mereka juga dibenturkan dengan kendala ekonomi dan kesulitan mencari pekerjaan seperti yang mereka harapkan. Bantuan kelompok pendatang yang sudah mandiri di kota yang berasal dari daerah yang sama kerap menjadi solusi atas permasalahan bagi mereka yang baru sampai di kota. Ikatan persaudaraan dan bantuan ekonomi yang ditawarkan oleh kelompok ini membantu para pendatang untuk menyesuaikan diri secara budaya dan ekonomi dengan kehidupan dan tantangan di kota.

    Sebagai contoh adalah para pendatang di Jakarta yang berasal dari berbagai wilayah di Indonesia. Jumlah pendatang kian banyak terutama saat setelah lebaran. Menurut Dinas Kependudukan dan Catatan Sipil DKI Jakarta, pada tahun 2013 jumlahnya mencapai 54.757 yang berarti mengalami kenaikan sebesar 12,6% di banding tahun lalu. Banyak dari mereka memutuskan menetap setelah melihat keberhasilan saudara atau teman mereka. Salah satunya seperti yang dilakukan oleh Bapak Surya yang berasal dari tegal.

    Pak Surya datang ke Jakarta lebih dari 10 tahun yang lalu dengan alasan kesulitan mendapat pekerjaan tetap di desanya sedangkan ia memiliki 3 orang anak dan istrinya hanya tukang cuci panggilan. Ia datang ke Jakarta setelah mengetahui bahwa kawannya telah berhasil membuat warung makan di Jakarta. Ia yang sehari-hari menjadi petani borongan dengan penghasilan yang tak menentu akhirnya memutuskan untuk berangkat ke Jakarta dengan kawannya pada tahun 1999. Pada awalnya ia tidak mengetahui apa yang akan dikerjakannya, namun ia dibantu oleh teman-temannya yang berasal dari Tegal dan ia pun ikut temannya yang punya warung dan mulai belajar. Pada awalnya ia belajar memasak dan cara menjalankan warungmakan. Dibantu oleh teman-temannya, ia pun kian memahami seluk beluk menjalankan warung makan dan mampu mengidentifikasi tempat-tempat strategis dimana ia bisa membuka usaha. Akhirnya ia memutuskan memulai usaha dengan membeli gerobak makanan yang dijual dengan berkeliling dari kampung ke kampung di Jakarta.

    Ada banyak kisah serupa pak Surya di Jakarta. Menurut statistik Pemerintah Tegal saat ini dari total orang tegal yang berdomisili di Jakarta, terdapat lebih dari 500.000 orang yang membuka usaha warung tegal, sementara itu sekitar 30.000 diantaranya berada di Jabodetabek dan ini belum termasuk jumlah pedagang bubur ayam, ketoprak, martabak dan lainnya. Warteg banyak menjadi favorit karena tidak membutuhkan modal yang banyak dan sering ramai pengunjung karena harga makanan cenderung lebih murah dibanding makan di restoran.

    Upaya pendatang baru dari Tegal yang ingin membuat usaha warung pada umumnya banyak dibantu oleh perkumpulan orang-orang Tegal yang sudah lama di Jakarta. Beberapa dari mereka mendirikan koperasi seperti Koperasi Warung Tegal Jaya yang bertujuan memberdayakan ekonomi masyarakat tegal di Jakarta. mereka juga memfasilitasi jika ada yang ingin membuka usaha seperti yang dialami Pak Surya. Keberadaan koperasi dan persaudaraan antar orang Tegal di Jakarta tidak melulu soal ekonomi. Seperti kata pak Surya, ikatan dengan sesame perantau Tegal sangat kuat, misalnya dibuktikan dengan kegiatan mudik bersama menjelang hari raya Idul FItri. Seperti tahun lalu, hasil iuran selama di Jakarta digunakan di kampung mereka untuk merayakan Hari Raya idul fitri dengan mengundang dai kondang Zainuddin MZ. Pak Surya juga mengaku sudah ada perbaikan ekonomi selama dia bekerja dan mampu menyekolahkan anaknya dan mengirim uang kepada istrinya di kampung.

    Foto: Edricism

    Submitted by Katy Fentress — Mon, 09/16/2013 – 00:00

    Katy Fentress, Nairobi Community Manager

    Without the ongoing support of their rural families, migrants in Nairobi slums would have little chance of making it. Family networks provide a crucial backbone on which migrants rely in order to be able to survive in the city and save money for their future.

    Grandparents and extended family contribute to the upbringing of children while parents seek urban work. The older generations act as custodians of wealth, overseeing how remittances are invested and providing informal insurance and retirement schemes to safeguard their descendants’ future.

    According to a 2012 article on rural-urban ties in Nairobi, 80 percent of rural migrants maintain contact with their rural homes. Young men and women set off from the homestead, often leaving children behind as they struggle to establish themselves and maintain a flow of small-scale remittances to their families.

    Money that gets sent back is either kept in home-banks (hiding places within a homestead) or invested in livestock and other tangible wealth. There is still little trust in using institutional banks and although in recent years it has become more common to transfer money through Mpesa (a popular phone banking system), many people still prefer to personally transport the wealth and then keep it in the form of material goods.

    Livestock, in the form of poultry, sheep, and cattle, are a preferred way of investing money that has been sent home. On the one hand, they can provide for the people who tend for them; on the other, they can also serve as a form of insurance policy. When disaster strikes, animals can be sold to raise money to address the issue. And the policy covers both parties: drought, floods, and sickness can hit hard both in the city and the countryside, and having something set aside for the proverbial “rainy day” can help to cushion shocks of this kind.

    In certain communities, a far higher emphasis is put on investing in land or bricks and mortar. While livestock is useful and can be bought and sold, land can be used as collateral for loans and, if properly managed, can mean the money invested back home can be multiplied.

    Although the quality of life in many rural areas in Kenya is undoubtedly higher than in urban areas, the call of the city remains strong. Many of the rural families that can afford to do so will send off their young ones in search of greener pastures for themselves, but also for the community. Moving to the city is a way to diversify a family’s investments and make sure there are always different income streams to rely on.

    In order for the system to be able to expand and strengthen itself, there would be a need to invest in training older generations back home on different ways to diversify their income streams. Accounting, basic economics, and workshops to help add value to farm output (for example, how to make preserves, cure meats, or invest in tourism) would help to provide a solid ground on which a family can grow and prosper.

    Submitted by Catalina Gomez — Mon, 09/16/2013 – 00:00

    Catalina Gomez, Coordenadora da Rede em São Paulo

    São Paulo, é a maior cidade do Brasil com 11 milhões de moradores e o epicentro da terceira maior área metropolitana do mundo; ela está totalmente urbanizada e tem poucas conexões com as áreas rurais, exceto por dois temas fundamentais: (i) a provisão de alimentos e (ii) os recursos naturais compartilhados. Esta semana nosso debate está focado nas conexões rural-urbano e no contexto de São Paulo, apresentamos duas experiências que estão contribuindo ao desenvolvimento sustentável da cidade por meio da agricultura urbana e da conservação ambiental, trazendo também uma relação mais balanceada entre a mega-cidade e as áreas rurais do entorno.

    Hortelões Urbanos é uma iniciativa recente que procura expandir a agricultura urbana em São Paulo. Esta oferece uma plataforma de troca de experiências em agricultura urbana, produção local de alimentos, reciclagem e estilos urbanos saudáveis que atualmente tem mais de 5 mil seguidores no Facebook. Embora a iniciativa seja bem recente, em menos de um ano, tem conseguido desenvolver hortas comunitárias em espaços públicos da cidade e promovendo a colaboração entre vizinhos pelo trabalho conjunto de comunidades mais sustentáveis. Sendo que as hortas comunitárias estão localizadas em espaços públicos, a iniciativa tem sido muito cuidadosa para conseguir delimitar os espaços das hortas e garantir que elas respeitam as normas dos espaços públicos e asseguram a passagem de pessoas, suas mascotas e bicicletas.

    A iniciativa foi criada por Claudia Visoni e Tatiana Achcar, duas jornalistas muito comprometidas na procura de práticas de sustentabilidade na sua cidade. Além da liderança, Hortelões Urbanos tem apoio de uma rede grande de voluntaries que não só participam do trabalho nas hortas, mais também contribuem na limpeza, vigilância e manutenção das hortas e porem à sustentabilidade do projeto. Para aqueles interessados no grupo, podem seguir sua apresentação o próximo 20 de setembro no Pecha Kucha Global Night que destacará casos de heróis escondidos em várias cidades.

    A segunda iniciativa é o Festival Cultivar, um evento anual criado para gerar conhecimento sobre praticas sustentáveis e conservação dos recursos naturais da cidade de São Paulo, tais como suas fontes de agua e árvores que são compartilhadas com a área metropolitana e o entorno rural. O evento foi estabelecido em 2010 e a partir de sua criação tem lugar num parque público no mês de setembro, justo para coincidir com o dia da árvore (Setembro 21) e o Dia Mundial Sem Carro (Setembro 22), para reforçar as prioridades alinhadas com a sustentabilidade da cidade.

    O Festival Cultivar também organiza “Cultivar Talks”, considerada como uma plataforma local tipo TedX de troca de experiências e práticas de sustentabilidade ambiental. Cultivar Talks promove a participação de representantes da sociedade civil além de expertos em politicas públicas que trazem diversidade de experiências e soluções na conservação dos recursos naturais da cidade, tais como a plantação de arvores e o cuidado de rios da cidade.

    Crédito fotográfico: Hortelões Urbanos

    Submitted by Catalina Gomez — Mon, 09/16/2013 – 00:00

    Catalina Gomez, São Paulo Community Manager

    São Paulo, the biggest city in Brazil, has 11 million residents and is the epicenter of the third largest metropolitan area in the globe. It is fully urbanized and presents few connections with close by rural areas, with the exception of two fundamental aspects: (i) food supply; and (ii) shared natural resources. The following two initiatives contribute to São Paulo’s sustainable development through the expansion of urban agriculture and the conservation of natural resources, bringing greater balance between the megacity and nearby rural areas.

    Hortelões Urbanos is a recent initiative that aims to expand urban agriculture in São Paulo. It offers a platform for exchanging experiences and lessons learned on urban agriculture, local food production, recycling, and healthy urban lifestyles, and currently has more than 5,000 followers on Facebook. The initiative has also, in less than a year, developed seven community gardens in public spaces throughout the city, promoting joint work among community members toward more sustainable neighborhoods. The gardens are located in public spaces, so careful attention is paid to ensure that the gardens respect public space norms and ensure the proper flow of pedestrians, their pets, and bicycles.

    The initiative was launched by two committed women, Claudia Visoni and Tatiana Achcar, who are journalists and advocates on the need for more sustainable lifestyles in cities, with a focus on local food production and reduced dependency on an external food supply. Besides their leadership, Hortelões Urbanos is supported by a network of volunteers, who not only help to plant the various community gardens, but also help in their cleaning, watering, and upkeep, contributing to the gardens’ sustainability. Their example influences thousands of residents and is inspiring new initiatives as well. Those interested in learning more about this group can follow its presentation on the Pecha Kucha Global Night this September 20th, which will showcase “hidden heroes” in various cities.

    The second initiative is called Festival Cultivar, an annual event that aims at creating awareness about sustainable lifestyles and the importance of preserving São Paulo’s natural resources, including its water sources and trees, which are present throughout the metropolitan area and even reach the rural areas. The event was established in 2010; since then, it takes place in a public park each September, the same week as Tree Day (September 21) and International Car-Free Day (September 22), to reinforce some of the priorities aligned with a sustainable lifestyle.

    Festival Cultivar also brings “Cultivar Talks,” which can be compared to a local TedX platform for exchanging best practices and experiences on urban environmental sustainability. Cultivar Talks promotes the participation of civil society members and public policy experts, bringing different perspectives and solutions to São Paulo’s environmental challenges, with a focus on the conservation of the city’s natural resources, planting trees, and cleaning rivers and streams.

    Photo credit: Hortelões Urbanos

    Submitted by Jorge Bela — Mon, 09/16/2013 – 00:00

    Jorge Bela, Gestor Comunitario de Cali

    Los fuertes movimientos migratorios del campo a la ciudad que han tenido lugar en toda Latinoamérica se han visto acentuados en Colombia por la emigración forzosa que han generado los conflictos armados. En Cali, la población pasó de unos 280.000 habitantes en 1950 a unos 2.300.000 en 2013, según datos del DANE. La mayor parte de los considerables flujos migratorios que reflejan estos datos tienen un origen rural. Los sentimientos y tradiciones comunitarias que unían a estos emigrantes en sus lugares de procedencia se difuminan considerablemente a su llegada a las grandes ciudades, pero no desaparecen del todo: se ven sustituidos por lazos de solidaridad por parte de personas, generalmente de su entorno familiar, que habiendo llegado con anterioridad tienen un mayor arraigo. Estas relaciones de solidaridad se extienden especialmente en el ámbito de la búsqueda de vivienda y de trabajo.

    La llegada a las zonas urbanas trae consigo necesariamente un impacto en los emigrantes, que deben adaptarse al nuevo entorno. Sin embargo, es importante destacar que los recién llegados también ejercen una influencia significativa en las ciudades en las que se establecen. En paralelo a las complejas consecuencias económicas y sociales del movimiento migratorio, éste también tiene un significativo impacto cultural. Las estrechas relaciones de solidaridad que forman entre los emigrantes son, precisamente, un claro ejemplo de este tipo de impactos. Constituyen un ámbito en el que perviven costumbres y tradiciones culturales, que facilitan la supervivencia y el arraigo en circunstancias a menudo muy adversas. En ocasiones, estas costumbres de origen rural pasan a formar parte del patrimonio común de las ciudades, que acaban por aceptarlas como propias. Este es el caso de las mingas en Cali.

    Minga es una palabra de origen quechua y que se refiere a una reunión de un colectivo para hacer un trabajo gratuito en común. De fuerte arraigo entre las comunidades indígenas y afrodescendientes del Valle del Cauca, se mantuvo como forma de ayuda mutua entre las redes informales de emigrantes de Cali. En el año 2012, la Alcaldía de Cali lanzó el programa Minga al Parque. Mediante este programa se atendió la demanda de las comunidades de que se repararan parques en las comunas que habían caído en un estado de deterioro hasta el punto de estar inutilizables. Con un presupuesto de 50 millones COP, administrados por la Secretaría de Deporte y Recreación, y con la colaboración de la Fundación Iberoamericana Al Arte (Fundiberarte) se intervino en siete parques, recuperándolos para su utilización por parte de las comunidades. Una media de 30 voluntarios participaron en esta innovadora forma de colaboración entre la ciudadanía y el gobierno municipal.

    De esta forma una institución de origen rural y tradicional, como es la minga, encontró una expresión urbana e innovadora en Cali, para beneficio de las comunidades. Minga al Parque ha tenido continuidad con iniciativas como Minga al Río, organizada por colectivos privados, en los que se movilizaron voluntarios para embellecer zonas cercanas al río de cara a los Juegos Mundiales celebrados en Cali a mediados de este año.

    Foto: Fundiberarte

    Submitted by Jorge Bela — Mon, 09/16/2013 – 00:00

    Jorge Bela, Cali Community Manager

    The huge migration from rural to urban areas that took place in Latin America during the last few decades was made even more significant in Colombia by the forced migrations caused by successive armed conflicts. In Cali, the population went from 280,000 in 1950 to 2,300,000 in 2013. As in the rest of the region, most of this massive increase in population was due to migration from rural areas. While the traditional links that glue together rural communities tend to weaken when immigrants reach the urban setting, they do not completely disappear. They are, in part, replaced by new solidarity networks, formed primarily by members of extended families who had arrived earlier and are able to provide support to the newcomers. Primarily, these networks provide assistance with housing and employment, the two most urgent needs they face.

    Cities soon impose new customs and ways of doing things on rural settlers, who face great pressure to adapt as quickly as possible. Nevertheless, newcomers also have a significant impact on the cities they move into. In addition to the complex economic and social consequences of the arrival of large numbers of people, immigrants also leave a cultural imprint. The close-knit solidarity networks create a framework for survival and adaptation under difficult circumstances, but they also provide an environment in which rural customs and traditions can subsist. At times, some of these customs and traditions are ultimately adopted by the host cities as their own. Such is the case of the minga in Cali.

    Minga is a term of Quechua origin. It refers to collective work voluntarily performed by members of the community for a common good. With a strong traditional use in the indigenous and Afro-descendant communities in the Valle del Cauca, it was kept alive as a means of mutual help within the immigrant communities in Cali. In 2012, the Cali city government noticed this traditional practice when some communities demanded the repair of local parks, which had fallen into decay to the point of being unusable. In order to meet this demand, the city government created the program Minga al Parque. The program had a budget of 50 million COP (about $25,000) and sought to mobilize the communities and some private NGOs, such as Fundacion Iberoamericana Al Arte (Fundiberarte). Seven parks were repaired and decorated, with an average of 30 volunteers for each step.

    The relatively small budget was the seed for an innovative form of collaboration between the municipal government, the communities, and local NGOs. Minga, a traditional and rural institution, found a new incarnation in a city as large as Cali, with a beneficial impact not only for the communities where it was kept alive, but for the city as a whole. Minga al Parque has been followed by Minga al Rio, sponsored by NGOs, to mobilize volunteers to clean the areas near the Cali River for the World Games held in Cali earlier this year.

    Foto: Fundiberarte

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    I managed to drive across Kasr el Nile bridge at 8:30am to find people already on the streets, cleaning up after four days of protests. I passed the Constitutional Court, where police forces had secured the area so that Judge Adly Mansour, the new interim President, could take his oath. What became publicized rather quickly was the coincidence that Judge Mansour was appointed the Head of the Constitutional Court on June 30, after his predecessor’s term had ended. While some suspect that this might be foul play, he has served on the Constitutional Court since 1992 and has held the position of Vice-President until appointed as the leader by former President Mohamed Morsi. Read more.

    Submitted by Howaida Kamel — Thu, 07/04/2013 – 09:57

    The entire country waited in apprehension for the 48-hour ultimatum to end. Local media had placed a countdown timer on the screen while showing the live feed of Tahrir, Itahedaya, and other major squares around the country. Large numbers of protesters started taking the streets around 3:30pm, waiting for the 4:30pm mark. With the Muslim Brotherhood supporters occupying the square at Cairo University, I stayed in the suburb of Maadi rather than go to Tahrir, especially considering the rumors that they had stopped traffic on all major bridges. Read more.

    Submitted by Howaida Kamel — Thu, 07/04/2013 – 09:50

    In the early afternoon, the army released the aerial footage that they captured above Itahadeya and Tahrir on June 30. This was a political move used to show the huge amount of people that had came out against Morsi, and to show that the army is dedicated to following the will of the people. Read more.

    Submitted by Howaida Kamel — Wed, 07/03/2013 – 15:47

    We woke up the next morning to find that those in Moqattam had stormed the Muslim Brotherhood headquarters to find rooms filled with Molotov cocktails and other types of weapons. Six were killed in the struggle. Read more.

    Submitted by Howaida Kamel — Wed, 07/03/2013 – 13:57

    The protests against President Mohamed Morsi started on June 30th: Egyptians all over the country took to the streets to mark the one-year anniversary of the Muslim Brotherhood in power. The Tamarud “rebellion” campaign has been working for the past three months to collect signatures for their petition calling for the President’s immediate resignation; the group recently announced that it had collected 22,134,465 signatures. Media estimates claim that up to 33 million people stood in squares all over the country, in what BBC has titled the largest number of people to partake in a political protest ever. Read more.

    Submitted by Howaida Kamel — Wed, 07/03/2013 – 10:18

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    By Howaida Kamel, Cairo Community Manager

    We woke up the next morning to find that those in Moqattam had stormed the Muslim Brotherhood headquarters to find rooms filled with Molotov cocktails and other types of weapons. Six were killed in the struggle.

    Around 4:30pm, the army made a public broadcast giving President Morsi a 48-hour ultimatum to step down. They made it clear that the army is here to serve the Egyptian people, and that the peaceful protests yesterday and their large numbers all around the country showed that Morsi was no longer the will of the people. There was a huge feeling of relief and celebration on the streets afterwards. That evening, Tahrir and Itahedeya – the area around the Presidential Palace, north-east of Tahrir – were packed with a lively crowd.

    In response, leaders of the Muslim Brotherhood called upon all the President’s supporters to take to the streets during a press conference taking place at 8:00pm. They claim to legitimately have the will of the people, as the President was elected through free and fair elections. Moreover, they refused to acknowledge the current protests as a revolution, because for them, the true revolution occurred in 2011. The Brotherhood continues to call all of those that are protesting in opposition as “feloul”, or supporters of the Mubarak regime. This shows that the Muslim Brotherhood isn’t going to step down from power without putting up a fight.

    Notes from Tahrir: June 30th Notes from Tahrir: July 1st

    Notes from Tahrir: July 2nd

    Notes from Tahrir: July 3rd
    Notes from Tahrir: July 4th Submitted by Howaida Kamel — Wed, 07/03/2013 – 13:57

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

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    Submitted by Carlin Carr — Mon, 09/16/2013 – 00:00

    Carlin Carr, Mumbai Community Manager

    Many rural traditions and customs carry over into urban life for India’s migrant communities. Local festivals, artisanal expertise, and languages turn Mumbai’s slums into vibrantly diverse amalgamations of India’s villages. The city also offers greater freedom from the strict caste structures of rural areas, and the role and freedoms of women in Mumbai’s slums often change as well. In fact, the autonomy that women gain as they move from rural to urban India provides insights into their healthcare choices, especially when it comes to reproductive care.

    Urban Indian women, like all Mumbaikers, are flooded with images — on television, radio, and billboards — that flash ideas for new ways of being, acting, and doing. These influencers open up ideas and avenues not necessarily discussed or advertised in villages. Urban women, even in slums, have access to doctors and clinics and information about their health that they otherwise may not have been exposed to outside of the city. Despite this, many pregnant women in slums still opt for home deliveries rather than deliveries conducted by skilled attendants. Initiatives working on maternal and neonatal care have been tracing the roots of why some women take advantage of better services while others continue to take the risk of giving birth at home with almost no follow-up care for the infant.

    Research has found that a number of factors contribute to maternal care choices, but one important one is how “urbanized” the woman may be. A report, “Village in the City: Autonomy and Maternal Health-seeking among Slum Populations of Mumbai,” says that women whose previous residence was in a village had less autonomy in their new city environment, and therefore were less likely to avail themselves of skilled professional clinics or hospitals for giving birth. While many young women in the report felt they had more autonomy — a major indicator of what care a woman will choose — than their rural counterparts, the new mothers, especially Muslim women, had not gained enough autonomy in their urban household structure to push for better health services for her delivery.

    Surprisingly, the study found that autonomy was not necessary linked with education nor with work. In fact, fewer women in India’s slums work than in rural India. Rather, exposure to mass media, particularly television, was an important factor in seeking out antenatal and child birth care. In addition, the family structure was also an indicator. For example, when the husband was the head of household, women had more autonomy and influence, but when he was not (for example, an in-law may be), young mothers had less autonomy and were less likely to give birth outside the home.

    As women migrate to urban India, village customs follow. As more interventions work to improve maternal and neonatal care in urban India, it is important to recognize that as a woman’s sense of autonomy grows with her urban life, so too does her ability to make better decisions for herself and family. Without women fighting for their own health care, few families will opt for the expense of maternal care clinics if the rural practice of giving birth at home has been so ingrained in their family life.

    Photo credit: DFID – UK Department for International Development

    Submitted by widya anggraini — Mon, 09/16/2013 – 00:00

    Widya Anggraini, Jakarta Community Manager

    Immigrants come to Jakarta from rural areas for largely economic reasons, usually following their friends or family members who have already settled in the capital. The case of immigrants from Tegal, in Central Java, is particularly interesting because of the support networks that welcome them in Jakarta. This group of immigrants is known for running food stalls on the streets of Jakarta. The established migrants help newcomers by lending them money to open a food stall, and by teaching them how to run and how to grow their business. While the support remains informal, this community has proved crucial for the numerous migrants that arrive from Tegal each year.

    Migrasi masyarakat pedesaan ke daerah perkotaan merupakan fenomena umum. Dengan alasan keterdesakan ekonomi mereka hijrah ke kota demi perbaikan kesejahteraan keluarga. Umumnya mereka datang karena telah memiliki saudara atau teman yang sudah lebih dahulu tinggal di kota. Kerap para pendatang mengalami kebingungan karena harus menyesuaikan diri di wilayah baru perkotaan. Keruwetan kota dan sistem nilai yang berbeda membuat mereka tidak nyaman dengan kehidupan kota. Di tempat yang baru mereka juga dibenturkan dengan kendala ekonomi dan kesulitan mencari pekerjaan seperti yang mereka harapkan. Bantuan kelompok pendatang yang sudah mandiri di kota yang berasal dari daerah yang sama kerap menjadi solusi atas permasalahan bagi mereka yang baru sampai di kota. Ikatan persaudaraan dan bantuan ekonomi yang ditawarkan oleh kelompok ini membantu para pendatang untuk menyesuaikan diri secara budaya dan ekonomi dengan kehidupan dan tantangan di kota.

    Sebagai contoh adalah para pendatang di Jakarta yang berasal dari berbagai wilayah di Indonesia. Jumlah pendatang kian banyak terutama saat setelah lebaran. Menurut Dinas Kependudukan dan Catatan Sipil DKI Jakarta, pada tahun 2013 jumlahnya mencapai 54.757 yang berarti mengalami kenaikan sebesar 12,6% di banding tahun lalu. Banyak dari mereka memutuskan menetap setelah melihat keberhasilan saudara atau teman mereka. Salah satunya seperti yang dilakukan oleh Bapak Surya yang berasal dari tegal.

    Pak Surya datang ke Jakarta lebih dari 10 tahun yang lalu dengan alasan kesulitan mendapat pekerjaan tetap di desanya sedangkan ia memiliki 3 orang anak dan istrinya hanya tukang cuci panggilan. Ia datang ke Jakarta setelah mengetahui bahwa kawannya telah berhasil membuat warung makan di Jakarta. Ia yang sehari-hari menjadi petani borongan dengan penghasilan yang tak menentu akhirnya memutuskan untuk berangkat ke Jakarta dengan kawannya pada tahun 1999. Pada awalnya ia tidak mengetahui apa yang akan dikerjakannya, namun ia dibantu oleh teman-temannya yang berasal dari Tegal dan ia pun ikut temannya yang punya warung dan mulai belajar. Pada awalnya ia belajar memasak dan cara menjalankan warungmakan. Dibantu oleh teman-temannya, ia pun kian memahami seluk beluk menjalankan warung makan dan mampu mengidentifikasi tempat-tempat strategis dimana ia bisa membuka usaha. Akhirnya ia memutuskan memulai usaha dengan membeli gerobak makanan yang dijual dengan berkeliling dari kampung ke kampung di Jakarta.

    Ada banyak kisah serupa pak Surya di Jakarta. Menurut statistik Pemerintah Tegal saat ini dari total orang tegal yang berdomisili di Jakarta, terdapat lebih dari 500.000 orang yang membuka usaha warung tegal, sementara itu sekitar 30.000 diantaranya berada di Jabodetabek dan ini belum termasuk jumlah pedagang bubur ayam, ketoprak, martabak dan lainnya. Warteg banyak menjadi favorit karena tidak membutuhkan modal yang banyak dan sering ramai pengunjung karena harga makanan cenderung lebih murah dibanding makan di restoran.

    Upaya pendatang baru dari Tegal yang ingin membuat usaha warung pada umumnya banyak dibantu oleh perkumpulan orang-orang Tegal yang sudah lama di Jakarta. Beberapa dari mereka mendirikan koperasi seperti Koperasi Warung Tegal Jaya yang bertujuan memberdayakan ekonomi masyarakat tegal di Jakarta. mereka juga memfasilitasi jika ada yang ingin membuka usaha seperti yang dialami Pak Surya. Keberadaan koperasi dan persaudaraan antar orang Tegal di Jakarta tidak melulu soal ekonomi. Seperti kata pak Surya, ikatan dengan sesame perantau Tegal sangat kuat, misalnya dibuktikan dengan kegiatan mudik bersama menjelang hari raya Idul FItri. Seperti tahun lalu, hasil iuran selama di Jakarta digunakan di kampung mereka untuk merayakan Hari Raya idul fitri dengan mengundang dai kondang Zainuddin MZ. Pak Surya juga mengaku sudah ada perbaikan ekonomi selama dia bekerja dan mampu menyekolahkan anaknya dan mengirim uang kepada istrinya di kampung.

    Foto: Edricism

    Submitted by Katy Fentress — Mon, 09/16/2013 – 00:00

    Katy Fentress, Nairobi Community Manager

    Without the ongoing support of their rural families, migrants in Nairobi slums would have little chance of making it. Family networks provide a crucial backbone on which migrants rely in order to be able to survive in the city and save money for their future.

    Grandparents and extended family contribute to the upbringing of children while parents seek urban work. The older generations act as custodians of wealth, overseeing how remittances are invested and providing informal insurance and retirement schemes to safeguard their descendants’ future.

    According to a 2012 article on rural-urban ties in Nairobi, 80 percent of rural migrants maintain contact with their rural homes. Young men and women set off from the homestead, often leaving children behind as they struggle to establish themselves and maintain a flow of small-scale remittances to their families.

    Money that gets sent back is either kept in home-banks (hiding places within a homestead) or invested in livestock and other tangible wealth. There is still little trust in using institutional banks and although in recent years it has become more common to transfer money through Mpesa (a popular phone banking system), many people still prefer to personally transport the wealth and then keep it in the form of material goods.

    Livestock, in the form of poultry, sheep, and cattle, are a preferred way of investing money that has been sent home. On the one hand, they can provide for the people who tend for them; on the other, they can also serve as a form of insurance policy. When disaster strikes, animals can be sold to raise money to address the issue. And the policy covers both parties: drought, floods, and sickness can hit hard both in the city and the countryside, and having something set aside for the proverbial “rainy day” can help to cushion shocks of this kind.

    In certain communities, a far higher emphasis is put on investing in land or bricks and mortar. While livestock is useful and can be bought and sold, land can be used as collateral for loans and, if properly managed, can mean the money invested back home can be multiplied.

    Although the quality of life in many rural areas in Kenya is undoubtedly higher than in urban areas, the call of the city remains strong. Many of the rural families that can afford to do so will send off their young ones in search of greener pastures for themselves, but also for the community. Moving to the city is a way to diversify a family’s investments and make sure there are always different income streams to rely on.

    In order for the system to be able to expand and strengthen itself, there would be a need to invest in training older generations back home on different ways to diversify their income streams. Accounting, basic economics, and workshops to help add value to farm output (for example, how to make preserves, cure meats, or invest in tourism) would help to provide a solid ground on which a family can grow and prosper.

    Submitted by Catalina Gomez — Mon, 09/16/2013 – 00:00

    Catalina Gomez, Coordenadora da Rede em São Paulo

    São Paulo, é a maior cidade do Brasil com 11 milhões de moradores e o epicentro da terceira maior área metropolitana do mundo; ela está totalmente urbanizada e tem poucas conexões com as áreas rurais, exceto por dois temas fundamentais: (i) a provisão de alimentos e (ii) os recursos naturais compartilhados. Esta semana nosso debate está focado nas conexões rural-urbano e no contexto de São Paulo, apresentamos duas experiências que estão contribuindo ao desenvolvimento sustentável da cidade por meio da agricultura urbana e da conservação ambiental, trazendo também uma relação mais balanceada entre a mega-cidade e as áreas rurais do entorno.

    Hortelões Urbanos é uma iniciativa recente que procura expandir a agricultura urbana em São Paulo. Esta oferece uma plataforma de troca de experiências em agricultura urbana, produção local de alimentos, reciclagem e estilos urbanos saudáveis que atualmente tem mais de 5 mil seguidores no Facebook. Embora a iniciativa seja bem recente, em menos de um ano, tem conseguido desenvolver hortas comunitárias em espaços públicos da cidade e promovendo a colaboração entre vizinhos pelo trabalho conjunto de comunidades mais sustentáveis. Sendo que as hortas comunitárias estão localizadas em espaços públicos, a iniciativa tem sido muito cuidadosa para conseguir delimitar os espaços das hortas e garantir que elas respeitam as normas dos espaços públicos e asseguram a passagem de pessoas, suas mascotas e bicicletas.

    A iniciativa foi criada por Claudia Visoni e Tatiana Achcar, duas jornalistas muito comprometidas na procura de práticas de sustentabilidade na sua cidade. Além da liderança, Hortelões Urbanos tem apoio de uma rede grande de voluntaries que não só participam do trabalho nas hortas, mais também contribuem na limpeza, vigilância e manutenção das hortas e porem à sustentabilidade do projeto. Para aqueles interessados no grupo, podem seguir sua apresentação o próximo 20 de setembro no Pecha Kucha Global Night que destacará casos de heróis escondidos em várias cidades.

    A segunda iniciativa é o Festival Cultivar, um evento anual criado para gerar conhecimento sobre praticas sustentáveis e conservação dos recursos naturais da cidade de São Paulo, tais como suas fontes de agua e árvores que são compartilhadas com a área metropolitana e o entorno rural. O evento foi estabelecido em 2010 e a partir de sua criação tem lugar num parque público no mês de setembro, justo para coincidir com o dia da árvore (Setembro 21) e o Dia Mundial Sem Carro (Setembro 22), para reforçar as prioridades alinhadas com a sustentabilidade da cidade.

    O Festival Cultivar também organiza “Cultivar Talks”, considerada como uma plataforma local tipo TedX de troca de experiências e práticas de sustentabilidade ambiental. Cultivar Talks promove a participação de representantes da sociedade civil além de expertos em politicas públicas que trazem diversidade de experiências e soluções na conservação dos recursos naturais da cidade, tais como a plantação de arvores e o cuidado de rios da cidade.

    Crédito fotográfico: Hortelões Urbanos

    Submitted by Catalina Gomez — Mon, 09/16/2013 – 00:00

    Catalina Gomez, São Paulo Community Manager

    São Paulo, the biggest city in Brazil, has 11 million residents and is the epicenter of the third largest metropolitan area in the globe. It is fully urbanized and presents few connections with close by rural areas, with the exception of two fundamental aspects: (i) food supply; and (ii) shared natural resources. The following two initiatives contribute to São Paulo’s sustainable development through the expansion of urban agriculture and the conservation of natural resources, bringing greater balance between the megacity and nearby rural areas.

    Hortelões Urbanos is a recent initiative that aims to expand urban agriculture in São Paulo. It offers a platform for exchanging experiences and lessons learned on urban agriculture, local food production, recycling, and healthy urban lifestyles, and currently has more than 5,000 followers on Facebook. The initiative has also, in less than a year, developed seven community gardens in public spaces throughout the city, promoting joint work among community members toward more sustainable neighborhoods. The gardens are located in public spaces, so careful attention is paid to ensure that the gardens respect public space norms and ensure the proper flow of pedestrians, their pets, and bicycles.

    The initiative was launched by two committed women, Claudia Visoni and Tatiana Achcar, who are journalists and advocates on the need for more sustainable lifestyles in cities, with a focus on local food production and reduced dependency on an external food supply. Besides their leadership, Hortelões Urbanos is supported by a network of volunteers, who not only help to plant the various community gardens, but also help in their cleaning, watering, and upkeep, contributing to the gardens’ sustainability. Their example influences thousands of residents and is inspiring new initiatives as well. Those interested in learning more about this group can follow its presentation on the Pecha Kucha Global Night this September 20th, which will showcase “hidden heroes” in various cities.

    The second initiative is called Festival Cultivar, an annual event that aims at creating awareness about sustainable lifestyles and the importance of preserving São Paulo’s natural resources, including its water sources and trees, which are present throughout the metropolitan area and even reach the rural areas. The event was established in 2010; since then, it takes place in a public park each September, the same week as Tree Day (September 21) and International Car-Free Day (September 22), to reinforce some of the priorities aligned with a sustainable lifestyle.

    Festival Cultivar also brings “Cultivar Talks,” which can be compared to a local TedX platform for exchanging best practices and experiences on urban environmental sustainability. Cultivar Talks promotes the participation of civil society members and public policy experts, bringing different perspectives and solutions to São Paulo’s environmental challenges, with a focus on the conservation of the city’s natural resources, planting trees, and cleaning rivers and streams.

    Photo credit: Hortelões Urbanos

    Submitted by Jorge Bela — Mon, 09/16/2013 – 00:00

    Jorge Bela, Gestor Comunitario de Cali

    Los fuertes movimientos migratorios del campo a la ciudad que han tenido lugar en toda Latinoamérica se han visto acentuados en Colombia por la emigración forzosa que han generado los conflictos armados. En Cali, la población pasó de unos 280.000 habitantes en 1950 a unos 2.300.000 en 2013, según datos del DANE. La mayor parte de los considerables flujos migratorios que reflejan estos datos tienen un origen rural. Los sentimientos y tradiciones comunitarias que unían a estos emigrantes en sus lugares de procedencia se difuminan considerablemente a su llegada a las grandes ciudades, pero no desaparecen del todo: se ven sustituidos por lazos de solidaridad por parte de personas, generalmente de su entorno familiar, que habiendo llegado con anterioridad tienen un mayor arraigo. Estas relaciones de solidaridad se extienden especialmente en el ámbito de la búsqueda de vivienda y de trabajo.

    La llegada a las zonas urbanas trae consigo necesariamente un impacto en los emigrantes, que deben adaptarse al nuevo entorno. Sin embargo, es importante destacar que los recién llegados también ejercen una influencia significativa en las ciudades en las que se establecen. En paralelo a las complejas consecuencias económicas y sociales del movimiento migratorio, éste también tiene un significativo impacto cultural. Las estrechas relaciones de solidaridad que forman entre los emigrantes son, precisamente, un claro ejemplo de este tipo de impactos. Constituyen un ámbito en el que perviven costumbres y tradiciones culturales, que facilitan la supervivencia y el arraigo en circunstancias a menudo muy adversas. En ocasiones, estas costumbres de origen rural pasan a formar parte del patrimonio común de las ciudades, que acaban por aceptarlas como propias. Este es el caso de las mingas en Cali.

    Minga es una palabra de origen quechua y que se refiere a una reunión de un colectivo para hacer un trabajo gratuito en común. De fuerte arraigo entre las comunidades indígenas y afrodescendientes del Valle del Cauca, se mantuvo como forma de ayuda mutua entre las redes informales de emigrantes de Cali. En el año 2012, la Alcaldía de Cali lanzó el programa Minga al Parque. Mediante este programa se atendió la demanda de las comunidades de que se repararan parques en las comunas que habían caído en un estado de deterioro hasta el punto de estar inutilizables. Con un presupuesto de 50 millones COP, administrados por la Secretaría de Deporte y Recreación, y con la colaboración de la Fundación Iberoamericana Al Arte (Fundiberarte) se intervino en siete parques, recuperándolos para su utilización por parte de las comunidades. Una media de 30 voluntarios participaron en esta innovadora forma de colaboración entre la ciudadanía y el gobierno municipal.

    De esta forma una institución de origen rural y tradicional, como es la minga, encontró una expresión urbana e innovadora en Cali, para beneficio de las comunidades. Minga al Parque ha tenido continuidad con iniciativas como Minga al Río, organizada por colectivos privados, en los que se movilizaron voluntarios para embellecer zonas cercanas al río de cara a los Juegos Mundiales celebrados en Cali a mediados de este año.

    Foto: Fundiberarte

    Submitted by Jorge Bela — Mon, 09/16/2013 – 00:00

    Jorge Bela, Cali Community Manager

    The huge migration from rural to urban areas that took place in Latin America during the last few decades was made even more significant in Colombia by the forced migrations caused by successive armed conflicts. In Cali, the population went from 280,000 in 1950 to 2,300,000 in 2013. As in the rest of the region, most of this massive increase in population was due to migration from rural areas. While the traditional links that glue together rural communities tend to weaken when immigrants reach the urban setting, they do not completely disappear. They are, in part, replaced by new solidarity networks, formed primarily by members of extended families who had arrived earlier and are able to provide support to the newcomers. Primarily, these networks provide assistance with housing and employment, the two most urgent needs they face.

    Cities soon impose new customs and ways of doing things on rural settlers, who face great pressure to adapt as quickly as possible. Nevertheless, newcomers also have a significant impact on the cities they move into. In addition to the complex economic and social consequences of the arrival of large numbers of people, immigrants also leave a cultural imprint. The close-knit solidarity networks create a framework for survival and adaptation under difficult circumstances, but they also provide an environment in which rural customs and traditions can subsist. At times, some of these customs and traditions are ultimately adopted by the host cities as their own. Such is the case of the minga in Cali.

    Minga is a term of Quechua origin. It refers to collective work voluntarily performed by members of the community for a common good. With a strong traditional use in the indigenous and Afro-descendant communities in the Valle del Cauca, it was kept alive as a means of mutual help within the immigrant communities in Cali. In 2012, the Cali city government noticed this traditional practice when some communities demanded the repair of local parks, which had fallen into decay to the point of being unusable. In order to meet this demand, the city government created the program Minga al Parque. The program had a budget of 50 million COP (about $25,000) and sought to mobilize the communities and some private NGOs, such as Fundacion Iberoamericana Al Arte (Fundiberarte). Seven parks were repaired and decorated, with an average of 30 volunteers for each step.

    The relatively small budget was the seed for an innovative form of collaboration between the municipal government, the communities, and local NGOs. Minga, a traditional and rural institution, found a new incarnation in a city as large as Cali, with a beneficial impact not only for the communities where it was kept alive, but for the city as a whole. Minga al Parque has been followed by Minga al Rio, sponsored by NGOs, to mobilize volunteers to clean the areas near the Cali River for the World Games held in Cali earlier this year.

    Foto: Fundiberarte

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    Los fuertes movimientos migratorios del campo a la ciudad que han tenido lugar en toda Latinoamérica se han visto acentuados en Colombia por la emigración forzosa que han generado los conflictos armados. En Cali, la población pasó de unos 280.000 habitantes en 1950 a unos 2.300.000 en 2013, según datos del DANE. La mayor parte de los considerables flujos migratorios que reflejan estos datos tienen un origen rural. Los sentimientos y tradiciones comunitarias que unían a estos emigrantes en sus lugares de procedencia se difuminan considerablemente a su llegada a las grandes ciudades, pero no desaparecen del todo: se ven sustituidos por lazos de solidaridad por parte de personas, generalmente de su entorno familiar, que habiendo llegado con anterioridad tienen un mayor arraigo. Estas relaciones de solidaridad se extienden especialmente en el ámbito de la búsqueda de vivienda y de trabajo. Leer más o discutir.

    Submitted by Jorge Bela — Mon, 09/16/2013 – 00:00

    Without the ongoing support of their rural families, migrants in Nairobi slums would have little chance of making it. Family networks provide a crucial backbone on which migrants can rely on in order to be able to survive in the city and save money for their future. Grandparents and extended family contribute in the upbringing of children while parents seek urban work. The older generations act as custodians of wealth, overseeing how remittances are invested and providing informal insurance/retirement schemes to safeguard their descendants’ future. Read more or join the discussion.

    Submitted by Katy Fentress — Mon, 09/16/2013 – 00:00

    São Paulo, the biggest city in Brazil, has 11 million residents and is the epicenter of the third largest metropolitan area in the globe. It is fully urbanized and presents few connections with close by rural areas, with the exception of two fundamental aspects: (i) food supply; and (ii) shared natural resources. The following two initiatives contribute to São Paulo’s sustainable development through the expansion of urban agriculture and the conservation of natural resources, bringing greater balance between the megacity and nearby rural areas. Read more or join the discussion.

    Submitted by Catalina Gomez — Mon, 09/16/2013 – 00:00

    São Paulo, é a maior cidade do Brasil com 11 milhões de moradores e o epicentro da terceira maior área metropolitana do mundo; ela está totalmente urbanizada e tem poucas conexões com as áreas rurais, exceto por dois temas fundamentais: (i) a provisão de alimentos e (ii) os recursos naturais compartilhados. Esta semana nosso debate está focado nas conexões rural-urbano e no contexto de São Paulo, apresentamos duas experiências que estão contribuindo ao desenvolvimento sustentável da cidade por meio da agricultura urbana e da conservação ambiental, trazendo também uma relação mais balanceada entre a mega-cidade e as áreas rurais do entorno. Leia mais o discutir.

    Submitted by Catalina Gomez — Mon, 09/16/2013 – 00:00

    The huge migration from rural to urban areas that took place in Latin America during the last few decades was made even more significant in Colombia by the forced migrations caused by successive armed conflicts. In Cali, the population went from 280,000 in 1950 to 2,300,000 in 2013. As in the rest of the region, most of this massive increase in population was due to migration from rural areas. While the traditional links that glue together rural communities tend to weaken when immigrants reach the urban setting, they do not completely disappear. They are, in part, replaced by new solidarity networks, formed primarily by members of extended families who had arrived earlier and are able to provide support to the newcomers. Primarily, these networks provide assistance with housing and employment, the two most urgent needs they face. Read more or join the discussion.

    Submitted by Jorge Bela — Mon, 09/16/2013 – 00:00

    Migrasi masyarakat pedesaan ke daerah perkotaan merupakan fenomena umum. Dengan alasan keterdesakan ekonomi mereka hijrah ke kota demi perbaikan kesejahteraan keluarga. Umumnya mereka datang karena telah memiliki saudara atau teman yang sudah lebih dahulu tinggal di kota. Kerap para pendatang mengalami kebingungan karena harus menyesuaikan diri di wilayah baru perkotaan. Keruwetan kota dan sistem nilai yang berbeda membuat mereka tidak nyaman dengan kehidupan kota. Di tempat yang baru mereka juga dibenturkan dengan kendala ekonomi dan kesulitan mencari pekerjaan seperti yang mereka harapkan. Bantuan kelompok pendatang yang sudah mandiri di kota yang berasal dari daerah yang sama kerap menjadi solusi atas permasalahan bagi mereka yang baru sampai di kota. Ikatan persaudaraan dan bantuan ekonomi yang ditawarkan oleh kelompok ini membantu para pendatang untuk menyesuaikan diri secara budaya dan ekonomi dengan kehidupan dan tantangan di kota. Baca lebih lanjut atau bergabung dalam diskusi.

    Submitted by widya anggraini — Mon, 09/16/2013 – 00:00

    Many rural traditions and customs carry over into urban life for India’s migrant communities. Local festivals, artisanal expertise, and languages turn Mumbai’s slums into vibrantly diverse amalgamations of India’s villages. The city also offers greater freedom from the strict caste structures of rural areas, and the role and freedoms of women in Mumbai’s slums often change as well. In fact, the autonomy that women gain as they move from rural to urban India provides insights into their healthcare choices, especially when it comes to reproductive care. Read more or join the discussion.

    Submitted by Carlin Carr — Mon, 09/16/2013 – 00:00

    “Welcome to Lagos” was a 2010 BBC documentary that introduced Vocal Slender to the world. Vocal – real name Eric Obuh – was a rapper by night, and a scavenger, at the Olusosun rubbish dump, by day. Read more.

    Submitted by Tolu Ogunlesi — Mon, 07/22/2013 – 22:23

    Makoko is a slum settlement on the Lagos Lagoon. There are no reliable population figures, but estimates for the number of inhabitants range from 100,000 to 300,000. According to the NGO Social and Economic Rights Action Center (SERAC), Makoko supplies forty percent of the dried fish sold in Lagos. The settlement is not a face of Lagos that the state government is proud of, and there have been attempts to pull it down and evict the inhabitants, as has been done elsewhere. The first time I visited Makoko, in November 2011, residents showed me (I was visiting with two foreign journalists) evidence of what the demolitioners had accomplished on a previous mission. Read more.

    Submitted by Tolu Ogunlesi — Fri, 05/10/2013 – 09:37

    Rendy A. Diningrat

    Menjamurnya permukiman kumuh merupakan salah satu permasalahan serius yang masih melanda ibu kota Jakarta. Tahun 2011 lalu, setidaknya tercatat 416 RW kumuh yang menjadi tempat tinggal lebih dari 3 juta penduduk ibu kota. Mereka yang hidup di kawasan kumuh menghadapi masalah-masalah pembangunan fisik seperti ketidaklayakan sanitasi, infrastruktur jalan, rumah, dan sarana sosial. Kondisi yang serba minim membuat mereka kesulitan untuk meningkatkan kualitas hidupnya kecuali menunggu bantuan pemerintah.

    Submitted by Rendy A. Diningrat — Wed, 04/24/2013 – 09:20

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    Gayatri Divecha, Mumbai Contributor

    Perhaps the most shocking inequalities in growth and development between the elite and the marginalized play out in India’s biggest metropolis — Mumbai, the country’s economic and financial capital. In India’s megacity, the “urban advantage” of the city’s more developed socio-economic infrastructure eludes poor children, radically reducing their chances of pursuing healthy and economically productive futures. Nowhere are these disparities more apparent than in the difference in nutritional status between the poor and non-poor. In Mumbai, 36 percent of slum children are malnourished, posing a significant risk to their health and development.

    Dasra, a Mumbai-based strategic philanthropic foundation, spent four months researching malnutrition amongst children aged 0-3 years in Mumbai’s worst slums, such as Govandi and Dharavi. The research report surveyed 50 nonprofits intervening to tackle this often overlooked development challenge. Almost counterintuitively, we found that malnutrition rates in urban India are often higher than in rural India and are, in fact, intricately linked with rapid urbanization, poverty, and illiteracy, requiring the urgent attention of policy makers, development practitioners, and philanthropists.

    Nutrition is a fundamental building block of a healthy and successful childhood, adolescence, and adult life. Studies have shown that the ages from birth to three years old are when a child develops the most, both physically and cognitively. For these children, therefore, malnutrition means compromising growth and development at the most crucial stage of human development and compromising the future of millions of children.

    A challenging environment

    Mumbai poses unique challenges to those tackling malnutrition amongst the urban poor: little or no knowledge of nor access to sound childcare practices; rural-to-urban migration that creates floating populations and slum pockets; poor living conditions in congested slum areas; and complex public health care systems that lack reach to vulnerable populations.

    An estimated 50 percent of Mumbai’s population lives in slums. This represents approximately 8 million people, of whom 33 percent earn an average monthly household income of US$60. Forthy percent of the slum population lives below the poverty line. The urban poor living in slums of all types in Mumbai consist mainly of migrants that have moved to cities in search of livelihoods. With skyrocketing real estate prices in cities, slums and shantytowns are de facto habitation for the urban poor.

    Extremely harsh living conditions make the urban poor a highly vulnerable group in terms of economic and physical security. Mostly engaged in the informal sector, the incomes of slum dwellers are highly insecure. Serious illnesses and health-related expenses often lead to financial strains on households. Additionally, urban slums are characterized by their appalling lack of sanitation facilities and poor access to clean and safe drinking water, which increases the physical vulnerability of inhabitants to diseases. These living conditions are one of the main factors exacerbating susceptibility to diseases and placing young children at a much greater risk of being malnourished. In a physical environment where basic necessities and civic amenities are lacking, poverty cannot be fully captured by income alone. Other factors such as lack of access to health care facilities, inadequate water, and inadequate sanitation are major challenges in the lives of the urban poor.

    Poverty and daily-wage earnings mean that the urban poor lack safety nets and are thus an extremely vulnerable group in dire need of a robust public health system, being unable to afford quality private health care. Unfortunately, slums in Mumbai are characterized by a shortage or total absence of health care infrastructure. In fact, due to complex issues of land ownership, some slums are not even officially recognized and are entirely excluded from the purview of municipal infrastructure. Moreover, the attitudes and behavior of the urban poor toward health care are shaped by the fact that the majority of the urban poor have had little or no exposure to any formal education. As a result, in many instances, they are simply unaware of correct and effective health care practices, such as the need for immunization or preventive steps against diseases such as diarrhea.

    Child malnutrition is caused by an interplay of different factors in addition to poverty, such as inadequate public health systems and suboptimal child care practices. Mothers and caretakers (siblings and grandparents) are key influencers in the health and nutrition of children between 0-36 months. Malnutrition therefore is not only a public health issue but also depends in large part on the availability of the mother to breastfeed, the ability of the caretaker and household to provide nutritious meals, and overall community support.

    Dasra’s interactions with pregnant women and mothers in Dharavi revealed that challenges to child health and nutrition in urban slums are twofold: for each challenge there are specific supply-side (community) issues as well as demand-side (public health system) issues that need to be addressed. The poor in urban areas are particularly vulnerable to health risks as a result of degraded environments, lack of access to health care, irregular employment, widespread illiteracy and lack of awareness about effective child care practices, and lack of negotiating power to demand better public services.

    Given the particularities of urban slums, Dasra’s research revealed that critical interventions to overcome malnutrition must look beyond poverty and food availability but rather, as shown above, must address the lack of public health services and messages as well as inadequate child-care practices. Dasra found that training Community Link Workers and Public Healthcare Workers has the greatest impact on improving children’s nutritional status in urban slums and has the largest potential to influence mothers to breastfeed, which the most effective way to reduce malnutrition rates.

    This series of posts will explore further intervention opportunities to improve child malnutrition in Mumbai’s slums, and will begin to weave together potential solutions to tackling this widespread and preventable problem.

    Dasra is India’s leading strategic philanthropy foundation working with philanthropists and social entrepreneurs to create large-scale social change.

  • URBim | for just and inclusive cities

    There has likely been no greater generational divider than the advent of technology. Across the world, youth populations have access to technology — smarter, sharper, and more affordable — that was not available to previous generations. Youth in places like India, for example, can access a vast new world with mobile technology — and a vast new world can access them. The result is that more poverty-alleviation initiatives have focused on catering to youth with innovative uses of technology, particularly focused around education and training initiatives. Learn more.

    Submitted by Carlin Carr — Mon, 11/05/2012 – 00:00

    Public space in Mumbai is a rarity. In fact, a recent report by the Mumbai Metropolitan Region Environment Improvement Society found that just six percent of the city’s land is reserved for open spaces. Within that meager amount, some 60 percent is neither developed nor accessible. The few green parks that do exist are unknown to most residents or have been encroached upon or abandoned by the city. As Neera Punj of CitiSpace said in a New York Times article on the lack of open space in Mumbai, “The biggest challenges to open spaces in the city are misuse, abuse, and neglect.” Learn more.

    Submitted by Carlin Carr — Tue, 10/30/2012 – 01:00

    In a distant northeastern corner of the city, Mumbai discards its waste — refuse, animals, and unwanted people. M-Ward is home to the city’s dump yard, slaughterhouse, and some of the worst squalor in a city of dire extremes. There is one toilet for every 87 people, children attend school at the lowest levels in Mumbai, medical care is nearly non-existent, and 85 percent of its 800,000 residents live in slums. In short, “M-Ward is an extreme example of skewed development in the city.” Learn more.

    Submitted by Carlin Carr — Mon, 10/22/2012 – 01:00

    India’s urban poor newborns have some of the lowest survival rates in the world. There are more than 52,000 babies born to urban poor families every week in India, and that number is expected to double by the end of this decade. Each year, nearly 1.2 million newborns in India die within their first four weeks. The shockingly high number amounts to a quarter of all neonatal deaths worldwide. These newborns face grave risks to survival given the complex circumstances into which they are born. Poor nutrition, inadequate housing, and unsafe water are among the myriad issues that reduce life expectancy and make healthcare solutions more than just medical interventions. Learn more.

    Submitted by Carlin Carr — Mon, 10/15/2012 – 01:00

    Climate change is no longer lurking in some remote or hypothetical future. Cities across the developing world now face the realities of extreme weather caused by global warming, as flooding, heat waves, and severe storms wreak havoc on ill-prepared urban centers. Coastal cities like Mumbai are at such risk, scientists warn, that parts of the city could become completely uninhabitable due to flooding and rising seas. Mumbai was brought to a standstill in 2005, when in just 24 hours nearly three feet of rain fell on the city, leaving more than 1,000 dead — mostly in slum settlements — and 14,000 homes destroyed. Rising temperatures could make such nightmare scenes a more regular — and even more disastrous — occurrence. Learn more.

    Submitted by Carlin Carr — Mon, 10/08/2012 – 01:00

    Stories of community life in Dharavi are often told through the shocking statistics — from life expectancy to labor hazards — that form the backbone of arguments to tear down Mumbai’s “eyesore” and replace it with shining towers of pride. Redevelopment plans rarely try to fathom the social fabric woven among the house-of-cards shanties stacked tightly in this tiny space. Recently, though, more creative platforms have emerged to tell the stories of Mumbai’s best-known slum. There, art provides a powerful means to educate the local community and a creative way to bring the private struggles of the poor to a very visible place. Read and discuss.

    Submitted by Carlin Carr — Mon, 10/01/2012 – 01:00

    Mumbai is a city filled with complexity — economically, socially, religiously, and politically. Nowhere is this more apparent than in Dharavi, the city’s largest informal settlement and one of the world’s most famous. The one-kilometer-squared area houses 600,000 residents who come from all over the country, speaking dozens of different languages and practicing a variety of traditional customs from their home regions. While the diversity of the area is evident, most of the half-million residents have been united on one particular issue: the tenuous future of their community. Read and discuss.

    Submitted by Carlin Carr — Mon, 09/24/2012 – 01:00

    Fourteen tangled lanes in Mumbai’s Kamathipura area house the city’s oldest, and Asia’s largest, prostitution district. An estimated 100,000 female sex workers live in deplorable conditions, with little hope of escape. The back-room brothels expose many of the social ills of Mumbai’s underbelly: human trafficking, prostitution, poverty, and the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Though each woman has her own story, nearly all share backgrounds of extreme poverty, coming from some of the most deprived areas of India and neighboring countries like Bangladesh and Nepal. Read and discuss.

    Submitted by Carlin Carr — Mon, 09/10/2012 – 01:00

    High maternal and infant mortality rates continue to burden the developing world. Despite calls by international organizations for an increased focus on maternal health, more than 500,000 women in developing nations die during pregnancy or childbirth each year. But a new three-year initiative, Mobile Alliance for Maternal Action (MAMA), is showing mobile phones’ potential to improve the state of women in India — giving expectant and new mothers access to vital, often life-saving information. Read and discuss.

    Submitted by Carlin Carr — Mon, 09/03/2012 – 01:00

    In Mumbai, the ragpickers’ daily collections most likely end up in the city’s largest — though officially unrecognized — recycling center: Dharavi’s 13th compound. In this small area of Mumbai’s sprawling slum, 15,000 single-room factories recycle an estimated 80 percent of Mumbai’s plastic waste. Could it be that these shanty room enterprises — whose supply chain is maintained by one of India’s poorest and most marginalized groups — are actually leading the city’s green movement? Read and discuss.

    Submitted by Carlin Carr — Sun, 08/26/2012 – 01:00